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马丁路德金的简介,中英都要

2023-07-04 16:01:33
共6条回复
CarieVinne

Martin Luther King, Jr. (January 15, 1929 -- April 4, 1968) was an African-American.

(马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr,1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日),非裔美国人。)

Born in Atlanta, Georgia, USA, he is an American pastor, social activist and black civil rights leader.

(出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大,美国牧师、社会活动家、黑人民权运动领袖。)

In 1947, king was appointed assistant pastor of ebenezer Baptist church.

(1947年,马丁·路德·金被任命为埃比尼泽浸礼会教堂助理牧师。)

In September 1954, he was hired as pastor of dexter street Baptist church in Montgomery, Alabama.

(1954年9月,接受亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的聘请,担任该教堂的牧师。)

That same year, he was elected to the Montgomery naacp executive committee.

(同年,当选为蒙哥马利市有色人种协进会执委。)

In December 1955, he was elected President of the Montgomery improvement association and led the Montgomery bus boycott.

(1955年12月,被推选为蒙哥马利改进协会主席,领导了蒙哥马利对公共汽车的抵制运动。)

扩展资料

马丁·路德·金人物生平:

1929年1月15日,马丁·路德·金出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大市奥本街501号,一幢维多利亚式的小楼里,本名迈克尔,因父亲对德国宗教改革先驱马丁·路德十分仰慕,在1934年将其改名为马丁·路德·金。

1954年9月,马丁·路德·金接受亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的聘请,担任该教堂的牧师。

1957年1月,马丁·路德·金应邀参加了加纳独立庆典,回到了祖先的国土,从此,他十分关心非洲事务,并同非洲民族独立运动的领袖保持密切联系。

bikbok

天哪,黑人自由运动领袖,高中课本里就有的啊,他有个著名的演讲,《I HAVE A DREAM》,自己在网上下载阿,搜索就有了。

可可科科

1929年1月15日,小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号,一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师,母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人;从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活,也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时,聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学,后获得文学学士学位。

尽管美国战后经济发展很快,强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实,金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学,于1955年获神学博士学位后,到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。

1955年12月,蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由,逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”,号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制,迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利,从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕,也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。

1968年4月4日,金被种族分子暗杀。

美国政府规定,从1986年起,每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

January 15, 1929, Martin Luther King was born in the US city of Atlanta, 501 Auburn Street, a small building of Victoria. His father was a pastor and his mother is a teacher. Where he learned how to postpone your love from the mother, sympathy and understanding of others;Learned from the father of bold, strong, candid and frank. Blacks living in the district but he also felt the dignity and personality as a black suffering. 15, USA diligent with distinction in the College studying sociology Moore Niehaus, after obtaining a Bachelor of Arts degree.

Although the US post-war economy has developed rapidly, and strong political, military boarded it "free world" chief of Kau Yi. Blacks may have in the domestic economic and political discrimination and oppression. Faced with the ugly reality that is determined to achieve social equality and justice as a priest. He has enrolled in the Boston University Kelaze seminary and in 1955 received a doctorate of theology in Alabama, Montgomery City Baptist Church for a single Christian pastor.

December 1955, police authorities in violation of section Montgomery bus segregation ordinances seats on the grounds that the arrest of black women, Rosa Parkes. Gold was with several black activists organized "Montgomery municipal improvement associations" and called on the city of nearly 50,000 Ethiopian law and public companies as long as a year boycott, forcing the court to abolish local carriers seating segregation. This is the first time in the southern United States Ethiopian forces achieved their struggles to open a sustained the civil rights movement for more than 10 years prelude, and also makes payments into the civil rights movement leader Dr. training.

April 4, 1968, the ethnic elements were assassinated. The US government, from 1986 onwards, the annual January 3 Monday for Martin Luther King National Day.

下面是马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

Troublesleeper

是谁!不认识!

寸头二姐

1929年1月15日,小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号,一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师,母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人;从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活,也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时,聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学,后获得文学学士学位。

尽管美国战后经济发展很快,强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实,金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学,于1955年获神学博士学位后,到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。

1955年12月,蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由,逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”,号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制,迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利,从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕,也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。

1968年4月4日,金被种族分子暗杀。

美国政府规定,从1986年起,每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

January 15, 1929, Martin Luther King was born in the US city of Atlanta, 501 Auburn Street, a small building of Victoria. His father was a pastor and his mother is a teacher. Where he learned how to postpone your love from the mother, sympathy and understanding of others;Learned from the father of bold, strong, candid and frank. Blacks living in the district but he also felt the dignity and personality as a black suffering. 15, USA diligent with distinction in the College studying sociology Moore Niehaus, after obtaining a Bachelor of Arts degree.

Although the US post-war economy has developed rapidly, and strong political, military boarded it "free world" chief of Kau Yi. Blacks may have in the domestic economic and political discrimination and oppression. Faced with the ugly reality that is determined to achieve social equality and justice as a priest. He has enrolled in the Boston University Kelaze seminary and in 1955 received a doctorate of theology in Alabama, Montgomery City Baptist Church for a single Christian pastor.

December 1955, police authorities in violation of section Montgomery bus segregation ordinances seats on the grounds that the arrest of black women, Rosa Parkes. Gold was with several black activists organized "Montgomery municipal improvement associations" and called on the city of nearly 50,000 Ethiopian law and public companies as long as a year boycott, forcing the court to abolish local carriers seating segregation. This is the first time in the southern United States Ethiopian forces achieved their struggles to open a sustained the civil rights movement for more than 10 years prelude, and also makes payments into the civil rights movement leader Dr. training.

April 4, 1968, the ethnic elements were assassinated. The US government, from 1986 onwards, the annual January 3 Monday for Martin Luther King National Day.

下面是马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

Mugen-Hive

上课的资料吧?我也找过,把老师给的翻译一下,就完了

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马丁路德金的演讲原文是什么

马丁·路德·金的《I have a dream》的全文如下:I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.译文:今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。扩展资料:1963年马丁u2022路德u2022金与肯尼迪总统见面,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利,8月28日,抗议组织在华盛顿特区组织了一次二十五万人的集会,争取种族平等。马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了著名演讲《我有一个梦想》,标志着20世纪黑人民权运动进入高潮。2013年8月28日,美国首位黑人总统奥巴马也站在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前的台阶上发表讲话,他谈了“为工作和自由向华盛顿进军”大游行过去半个世纪以来美国发生的变化,以此纪念《我有一个梦想》发表50周年。
2023-07-04 10:53:471

马丁路德金的演讲(我有一个梦想)的中心思想是什么啊?

主要中心思想是关于黑人民族平等,对种族平等的思考,在20世纪,黑人遭受不平等对待,主要围绕黑人平等进行叙述。1963年马丁路德金与肯尼迪总统见面,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利,8月28日,抗议组织在华盛顿特区组织了一次二十五万人的集会,争取种族平等。马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了著名演讲《我有一个梦想》,标志着20世纪黑人民权运动进入高潮。演讲结束后各大报刊纷纷转载,激励着人们为争取自由平等而不懈抗争,马丁路德金的话被刻在了纪念堂的台阶上。扩展资料:《我有一个梦想》使用大量比喻、排比,推波助澜,增强了语言如大河奔流一般的气势。前美国总统奥巴马2013年8月28日站在马丁·路德·金当年发表《我有一个梦想》演讲的华盛顿林肯纪念堂前的台阶上讲话,以此纪念该演讲发表50周年。美国首位黑人总统奥巴马在讲话中谈论“为工作和自由向华盛顿进军”大游行以来的半个世纪美国发生的变化,那次大游行以亚特兰大牧师、民权运动标志人物马丁·路德·金的演讲达到高潮。1963年,金面对25万人发表演讲,表达了自己对于美国白人和黑人拥有更加和睦关系的期望。马丁·路德·金是非裔的美国人,出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大,是美国牧师、社会活动家、黑人民权运动领袖。1963年4月12日,马丁·路德·金在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行;8月28日 ,组织了争取黑人工作机会和自由权的“华盛顿工作与自由游行”。1964年,马丁·路德·金被授予诺贝尔和平奖。2006年12月,马丁·路德·金被美国杂志《大西洋月刊》评为影响美国的100位人物第8名。
2023-07-04 10:54:047

马丁 路德 金 《我有一个梦想》演讲稿全文 中文版 谢谢!

一百年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了《解放黑奴宣言》,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫长之夜。然而一百年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。一百年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨;一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上;一百年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且,意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公之于众。就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言时,曾以气壮山河的词句向每一个美国人许下了诺言,他们承诺给予所有的人以不可剥夺的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖上“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现,这张支票——将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言的时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候,现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候。如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要撒撒气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静;正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是我们却不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证;他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,“你们什么时候才能满足?”只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨;有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房,有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。让我们回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到佐治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不可自拔。朋友们,今天我对你们说,在现在和未来,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的——人人生而平等。”我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之嶙劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳争吵的声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:“我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来!演讲背景:从儿时起,马丁·路德·金就受到母亲教导:“不要让所谓的种族歧视影响到自己的尊严。”后来,这句话一直留在金的心里。15岁时,金在大学攻读社会学,后来又进修神学。在学习中,他了解到了印度民族运动领袖甘地的事迹,并十分认同甘地用“非暴力手段”争取民权的方式。1963年,由金领导的“华盛顿工作与自由游行”运动。为鼓励人们争取自由平等,金于8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表了演讲《我有一个梦想》。
2023-07-04 10:54:344

马丁路德金《我有一个梦想》的演说在当时有什么现实意义

推动黑人民族平等,加快实现理想的步伐;作者的梦在如今并没有圆,因为美国虽然取消了种族歧视,但种族歧视事件仍时常发生。1963年马丁路德金与肯尼迪总统见面,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利,8月28日,抗议组织在华盛顿特区组织了一次二十五万人的集会,争取种族平等。马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了著名演讲《我有一个梦想》,标志着20世纪黑人民权运动进入高潮。扩展资料马丁路德金他是美国黑人民权运动领袖,浸礼会教堂牧师,非暴力主义者。1929年1月15日出生于佐治亚州亚特兰大市一黑人家庭,父亲和祖父都是浸礼会的传教士。早年就读于亚特兰大的莫尔豪斯学院社会学系,19岁毕业后加入浸礼教会。1951年和1954年又先后毕业于宾夕法尼亚州切斯特市的克罗泽神学院和波士顿大学。1954年在蒙哥马利城的德克斯特大道浸礼会教堂任职。1955年获得博士学位。此后他积极参加和领导美国黑人争取平等权利的斗争,一生三次被捕,三次被判刑。1956年他领导蒙哥马利改进协会,组织黑人进行抵制公共汽车歧视黑人的斗争。全城5万黑人拒乘公共汽车385天,迫使最高法院宣布在交通工具上实施种族隔离为非法。1957年帮助建立黑人牧师组织—南方基督教领袖大会,并任该会首任主席。1963年8月率领25万黑人向华盛顿林肯纪念堂“自由进军”,1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。他极具演说才能,并著有《阔步走向自由》《我们为何不能再等待》等著作。其思想对60年代美国黑人民权运动产生了重大影响。
2023-07-04 10:54:493

马丁路德金的经典演讲和奥巴马的竞选演讲?

演讲是:《我有一个梦想》 马丁·路德·金(1929~1968) King,Martin Luther Jr. 美国民权运动领袖。又译马丁·路德·金。1929 年 1月15日生于佐治亚州特兰大市,卒于1968年4月4日。先后就读于莫尔豪斯学院、宾夕法尼亚大学、哈佛大学,1955年在波士顿大学获神学博士学位,并被任命为亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市德克斯特街教堂牧师。 1955 ~1956 年 ,金胜利领导了该市黑人抵制公共汽车公司种族歧视的罢乘运动,成为民权运动黑人领袖。1957年创建南方基督教领袖会议并被选为主席,积极参加和领导了静坐运动、自由乘客运动及伯明翰游行示威。1963 年8 月 ,金参与组织了25万人向华盛顿进军,并在林肯纪念碑下发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年获诺贝尔的和平奖。 金反对使用暴力 ,受印度M.K.甘地思想的影响 ,提倡“同情和谅解那些恨我们的人”。但他倡导的非暴力群众直接行动运动 ,对美国1964 年通过《民权法》、1965 年通过《选民登记法》,从法律上取消美国南部的种族隔离制度 ,起了重要的作用 。1965 年以后 ,他不断引导群众运动前时,积极反对侵越战争 ,1968 年3月,发动贫民进军(又称穷人运动)。4月4日在田纳西州孟菲斯市被种族主义分子刺死 奥巴马:芝加哥的公民们,大家好! 如果现在仍然有人怀疑在美国是不是真的任何事情都可能发生,怀疑我们开国之父们的梦想是否还留存在这片土地上,怀疑美国民主的力量,今夜,你们将得到答案。 在这个国家的学校和教堂中人们曾焦急地等待着答案,一些人甚至从未像今天一样——等待了3~4个小时,但是他们知道这一时刻非同一般,他们的声音也同样非同一般。 在美国的土地上,无论是年轻人还是老人;穷人还是富人;无论是共和党人还是民主党人;无论是黑人、白人、西班牙裔、亚裔、美国原住民、同性恋、异性恋、残疾人还是健全人都发出同一种信息,我并非孤身一人。 我们是,而且永远都是美利坚合众国! 这一天我们等得太久了,但是今晚,因为我们在这场竞选中、在这个地点、在此时此刻所做的一切,改变已经降临美国。 在今天晚上,我很荣幸地接到了麦凯恩参议员打来的电话。麦凯恩参议员在这场竞选中进行了长久、艰难的努力。而且,为这个他热爱的国家,他奋斗了更久、付出了更多的努力。他为美国做出了超乎我们大多数人想象的牺牲,因为这个无畏无私的领导人所付出的努力,我们才有了更好的生活。我对他表示祝贺,也对佩林州长所取得的成果表示祝贺。同时,我也期待着能在接下来的几个月内,和他们共同努力履行对这个国家的诺言。 我想感谢我在这个旅程中的搭档,一个全心全意参加竞选的男人,一个为同他一起在斯克蓝顿(宾夕法尼亚东北部城市)街道长大、一起坐火车到特拉华州的人们发言的男人,美国未来的副总统,乔拜登。 如果没有我过去16年最好的朋友、我们家庭的中坚、我生命中的挚爱,我今天晚上不可能站在这里,美国下一位第一夫人米歇尔-奥巴马。还有萨沙和玛丽雅,我对你们的爱超出你们的想象,你们将得到新的小狗,和你们一起到新的白宫。 我却再也不能陪伴我的外祖母了,但我知道她一直在守望着我们。我也十分想念我的家人,我知道自己亏欠他们太多,太多。我要感谢马娅,阿尔玛,以及我所有的兄弟姐妹,感谢你们对我无私的支持,对此我深表感激。还有,感谢我的竞选经理大卫普劳夫。还有那些在竞选活动中的无名英雄们,他们表现的很棒,是他们给美国带来了一场最完美的大选,我想,这在美国历史上是绝无仅有的。还有我的首席战略师大卫阿克塞尔罗德。他是我的伙伴,在我竞选的每个阶段都给我极大的帮助,为我打造了美国大选史上最棒的竞选团队。是你们让这一切发生了,我将永远对你们为此做出的牺牲心存感激。但是最重要的,我将永远无法忘记这场胜利真正的主人,这属于你们,属于你们。 此前,我并不是最有可能赢得白宫的候选人。在刚开始的时候,我们没有多少钱,也没有多少支持者,我们的竞选不是从华盛顿大厅开始的,而是开始于艾奥瓦州得梅因的后院、康科德的客厅、查尔斯顿的前厅。是辛勤劳作的男人、女人捐出他们微薄的积蓄,5块钱、10块钱、20块钱。我们从年轻人那里得到了支持的力量,他们拒绝服从同龄人对政治冷漠的神话。为了工作,他们离开了自己的家乡,并与亲人分别,可是他们拿很少的报酬,甚至连睡觉的时间也少的可怜。 我们也从那些并不年轻的志愿者那里得到了支持的力量,他们拥有火热的心,冒着寒风敲开善良的陌生人家的门进行竞选宣传。我们这场竞选的声势源自数百万美国民众,这就是为什么两个世纪以来,我们这个民有、民治、民享的政府没有从地球上消亡的原因。 你们这样做,是因为知道我们面前任务的艰难。即使我们今晚在这里欢庆,我们仍然知道明天将会带来我们平生最大的挑战——两场战争,一个处于危险边缘的星球、一个本世纪以来最严重的金融危机。 就在我们今晚站在这里的时刻,孩子们熟睡后依然醒着的父亲母亲在担心,他们怎样才能还清医生的账单,攒够足够的钱供孩子的大学教育。新的能源要开发,新的工作岗位要创造,新的学校要建造,新的威胁要面对,新的盟友关系要修复。 前面的路会很长,我们会走得很艰辛。我们甚至不会在一年、一个任期内达到这个目标。但是,美国人民,我从未比今夜更加相信,我们一定会达到这个目标。 我承诺,作为一个整体,我们会达到这个目标。满意请采纳
2023-07-04 10:55:041

马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》在哪演讲的?

天津师范大学,我的母校。
2023-07-04 10:55:121

从马丁路德金的演讲中你读懂了哪些有价值的内容?

马丁路德金的演讲的启发和意义是,要追求民族平等,而不是歧视和迫害,要敢于与破坏民族平等的势力作斗争,要勇于反抗不公正的待遇。各民族要平等相待,互帮互助,心连心,各民族要拥有相同的权利和义务,为维护社会公平正义和谐有序做出积极贡献。
2023-07-04 10:55:224

Martin Luther King, Jr.  马丁。路德金  I have a dream 我有一个梦想  一百年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。  Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.  然而一百年后的今天,黑人还没有得到自由,一百年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。  But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.  我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨,有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房,有些由于寻求自由,曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。  I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.  让我们回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴马去,回到南卡罗莱纳去,回到佐治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。  Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.  朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。  I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.  我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。”  I have a dream that one daythis nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”  我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。  I have a dream that one dayon the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.  我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。  I have a dream that one dayeven the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.  我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。  I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.  我今天有一个梦想。  我梦想有一天,阿拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有着一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。  I have a dream today.  I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.  我今天有一个梦想。  我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。  I have a dream today.  I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.  这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。  This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.  在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:“我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”  This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning.  My country, " tis of thee,  Sweet land of liberty,  Of thee I sing:  Land where my fathers died,  Land of the pilgrims" pride,From every mountainside  Let freedom ring.  如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由的钟声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由的钟声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由的钟声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起!让自由的钟声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来!让自由的钟声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此,还要让自由的钟声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由的钟声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由的钟声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由的钟声从每一片山坡响起来。  And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.  Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!  Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!  Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!  Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!  But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!  Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!  Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!  From every mountainside, let freedom ring!  当我们让自由钟声响起来,让自由钟声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太人和非犹太人,新教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由啦!”  When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”
2023-07-04 10:55:375

美国历史上著名的演讲《我有一个梦想》的演讲者是谁

马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日),著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年至1951年期间,在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年,马丁·路德·金觐见了肯尼迪总统,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日,在林肯纪念堂前,发表了《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖的获得者。1968年4月,马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市,领导工人罢工后,被人刺杀,年仅39岁。从1986年起,美国政府将每年1月的第3个星期一,定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。
2023-07-04 10:55:532

马丁路德金的我有一个梦演讲稿

我有一个梦想 马丁·路德·金 今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌: 我的祖国,可爱的自由之邦,我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方,这是早期移民自豪的地方,让自由之声,响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰! 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭! 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰! 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山! 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰! 不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山! 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山! 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘! 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗! 当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
2023-07-04 10:56:115

马丁路德金《我有一个梦想》的演说在当时有什么现实意义

是美国著名的黑人民权领袖马丁·路德·金 (Martin Luther King, Jr.) 于1963年8月28日参加组织25万黑人向华盛顿汇集的示威游行,即争取就业、争取自由的“自由进军”时,发表了的演讲。这篇演讲在当时的美国国内产生了极大的反响,令更多的有识之士真正关注黑人所遭受的不公正的待遇。这篇演讲成为了正义的呼声,唤起了更多热爱自由、热爱公正、热爱平等的人们为争取种族平等而奋起斗争。这篇演讲让美国政府意识到,人民的力量是不可小视的(即使是那些一直被他们视为劣等公民的黑人!),它促使美国政府加快实现林肯承诺给予黑人的权利。
2023-07-04 10:56:421

求马丁路德金的演讲《我有一个梦想》原文

I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country "tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."……今天,我对你们说,我的朋友们,尽管此时的困难与挫折,我们仍然有个梦,这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。我有一个梦:有一天,这个国家将站起来,并实现它的信条的真正含义:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的,即所有的人都生来平等。”我有一个梦:有一天,在乔治亚州的红色山丘上,从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。我有一个梦:有一天,甚至密西西比州,一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州,将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。我有一个梦:我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里,在那里,人们不是从他们的肤色,而是从他们的品格来评价他们。今天我有一个梦想:我有一个梦:有一天,阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方,那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩,像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。今天我有一个梦想。我有一个梦:有一天,每一个峡谷将升高,每一座山丘和高峰被削低,崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原,弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直,上帝的荣耀得以展露,全人类都将举目共睹。这是我们的希望,这是信念,带着这个信念我回到南方,怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念,我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音,转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念,我们将能工作在一起,祈祷在一起,奋斗在一起,一起赴监狱,一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道,有一天我们将获自由。将会有一天,那时,所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱:我的祖国,你是自由的乐土。我为你歌唱:我的先辈的安葬之地,让自由的声音,响彻每一道山岗。如果说美国是一个伟大的国家,这必须要成真。因此,让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧,让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧!让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧!让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧!但不仅如此,还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧!让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧!让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧!在每一道山坡上,让自由之声响起吧!当我们让自由之声响彻之时,当我们让它从每一座村庄,从每一个州和每一座城市响起时,我们将能加速这一天的到来,那时,所有上帝的孩子们,黑人和白人,犹太人和异教徒们,基督徒和天主教徒们,将能手挽手,以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱;“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”我也很希望,每次朗读起来热血澎湃啊!!!
2023-07-04 10:56:514

马丁路德金的演讲(我有一个梦想)的中心思想是什么啊?

中心思想一句话:呼吁消除种族歧视,希望美国黑人和白人平等,享有同样的权利(当然,直到今天,严格的说路德的梦想也没实现,但是要比他那个时代改观太多太多,毫无疑问,马丁路德金是一个伟大人物,而且支持他继承他梦想的千千万万无名英雄,都是伟大人物。不论最终这个梦想有无实现,美国黑人争取平等权利的运动,都给全人类做出了榜样,这篇演讲也将永载史册)
2023-07-04 10:57:002

求一篇马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》演讲的英文原文。

IHaveaDream byMartinLutherKing,Jr.Iamhappytojoinwithyoutodayinwhatwillgodowninhistoryasthegreatestdemonstrationforfreedominthehistoryofournation.Fivescoreyearsago,agreatAmerican,inwhosesymbolicshadowwestandtoday,signedtheEmancipationProclamation.ThismomentousdecreecameasagreatbeaconlightofhopetomillionsofNegroslaveswhohadbeensearedintheflamesofwitheringinjustice.Itcameasajoyousdaybreaktoendthelongnightoftheircaptivity.Butonehundredyearslater,theNegrostillisnotfree.Onehundredyearslater,thelifeoftheNegroisstillsadlycrippledbythemanaclesofsegregationandthechainsofdiscrimination.Onehundredyearslater,theNegrolivesonalonelyislandofpovertyinthemidstofavastoceanofmaterialprosperity.Onehundredyearslater,theNegroisstilllanguishedinthecornersofAmericansocietyandfindshimselfanexileinhisownland.Andsowe"vecomeheretodaytodramatizeashamefulcondition.Inasensewe"vecometoournation"scapitaltocashacheck.WhenthearchitectsofourrepublicwrotethemagnificentwordsoftheConstitutionandtheDeclarationofIndependence,theyweresigningapromissorynotetowhicheveryAmericanwastofallheir.Thisnotewasapromisethatallmen,yes,blackmenaswellaswhitemen,wouldbeguaranteedthe"unalienableRights"of"Life,LibertyandthepursuitofHappiness."ItisobvioustodaythatAmericahasdefaultedonthispromissorynote,insofarashercitizensofcolorareconcerned.Insteadofhonoringthissacredobligation,AmericahasgiventheNegropeopleabadcheck,acheckwhichhascomebackmarked"insufficientfunds."Butwerefusetobelievethatthebankofjusticeisbankrupt.Werefusetobelievethatthereareinsufficientfundsinthegreatvaultsofopportunityofthisnation.Andso,we"vecometocashthischeck,acheckthatwillgiveusupondemandtherichesoffreedomandthesecurityofjustice.WehavealsocometothishallowedspottoremindAmericaofthefierceurgencyofNow.Thisisnotimetoengageintheluxuryofcoolingoffortotakethetranquilizingdrugofgradualism.Nowisthetimetomakerealthepromisesofdemocracy.Nowisthetimetorisefromthedarkanddesolatevalleyofsegregationtothesunlitpathofracialjustice.Nowisthetimetoliftournationfromthequicksandsofracialinjusticetothesolidrockofbrotherhood.NowisthetimetomakejusticearealityforallofGod"schildren.Itwouldbefatalforthenationtooverlooktheurgencyofthemoment.ThisswelteringsummeroftheNegro"slegitimatediscontentwillnotpassuntilthereisaninvigoratingautumnoffreedomandequality.Nineteensixty-threeisnotanend,butabeginning.AndthosewhohopethattheNegroneededtoblowoffsteamandwillnowbecontentwillhavearudeawakeningifthenationreturnstobusinessasusual.AndtherewillbeneitherrestnortranquilityinAmericauntiltheNegroisgrantedhiscitizenshiprights.Thewhirlwindsofrevoltwillcontinuetoshakethefoundationsofournationuntilthebrightdayofjusticeemerges.ButthereissomethingthatImustsaytomypeople,whostandonthewarmthresholdwhichleadsintothepalaceofjustice:Intheprocessofgainingourrightfulplace,wemustnotbeguiltyofwrongfuldeeds.Letusnotseektosatisfyourthirstforfreedombydrinkingfromthecupofbitternessandhatred.Wemustforeverconductourstruggleonthehighplaneofdignityanddiscipline.Wemustnotallowourcreativeprotesttodegenerateintophysicalviolence.Againandagain,wemustrisetothemajesticheightsofmeetingphysicalforcewithsoulforce.ThemarvelousnewmilitancywhichhasengulfedtheNegrocommunitymustnotleadustoadistrustofallwhitepeople,formanyofourwhitebrothers,asevidencedbytheirpresenceheretoday,havecometorealizethattheirdestinyistiedupwithourdestiny.Andtheyhavecometorealizethattheirfreedomisinextricablyboundtoourfreedom.Wecannotwalkalone.Andaswewalk,wemustmakethepledgethatweshallalwaysmarchahead.Wecannotturnback.Therearethosewhoareaskingthedevoteesofcivilrights,"Whenwillyoubesatisfied?"WecanneverbesatisfiedaslongastheNegroisthevictimoftheunspeakablehorrorsofpolicebrutality.Wecanneverbesatisfiedaslongasourbodies,heavywiththefatigueoftravel,cannotgainlodginginthemotelsofthehighwaysandthehotelsofthecities.WecannotbesatisfiedaslongasaNegroinMississippicannotvoteandaNegroinNewYorkbelieveshehasnothingforwhichtovote.No,no,wearenotsatisfied,andwewillnotbesatisfieduntil"justicerollsdownlikewaters,andrighteousnesslikeamightystream."Iamnotunmindfulthatsomeofyouhavecomehereoutofgreattrialsandtribulations.Someofyouhavecomefreshfromnarrowjailcells.Andsomeofyouhavecomefromareaswhereyourquest--questforfreedomleftyoubatteredbythestormsofpersecutionandstaggeredbythewindsofpolicebrutality.Youhavebeentheveteransofcreativesuffering.Continuetoworkwiththefaiththatunearnedsufferingisredemptive.GobacktoMississippi,gobacktoAlabama,gobacktoSouthCarolina,gobacktoGeorgia,gobacktoLouisiana,gobacktotheslumsandghettosofournortherncities,knowingthatsomehowthissituationcanandwillbechanged.Letusnotwallowinthevalleyofdespair,Isaytoyoutoday,myfriends.Andsoeventhoughwefacethedifficultiesoftodayandtomorrow,Istillhaveadream.ItisadreamdeeplyrootedintheAmericandream.Ihaveadreamthatonedaythisnationwillriseupandliveoutthetruemeaningofitscreed:"Weholdthesetruthstobeself-evident,thatallmenarecreatedequal."IhaveadreamthatonedayontheredhillsofGeorgia,thesonsofformerslavesandthesonsofformerslaveownerswillbeabletositdowntogetheratthetableofbrotherhood.IhaveadreamthatonedayeventhestateofMississippi,astateswelteringwiththeheatofinjustice,swelteringwiththeheatofoppression,willbetransformedintoanoasisoffreedomandjustice.Ihaveadreamthatmyfourlittlechildrenwillonedayliveinanationwheretheywillnotbejudgedbythecoloroftheirskinbutbythecontentoftheircharacter.Ihaveadreamtoday!Ihaveadreamthatoneday,downinAlabama,withitsviciousracists,withitsgovernorhavinghislipsdrippingwiththewordsof"interposition"and"nullification"--onedayrightthereinAlabamalittleblackboysandblackgirlswillbeabletojoinhandswithlittlewhiteboysandwhitegirlsassistersandbrothers.Ihaveadreamtoday!Ihaveadreamthatonedayeveryvalleyshallbeexalted,andeveryhillandmountainshallbemadelow,theroughplaceswillbemadeplain,andthecrookedplaceswillbemadestraight;"andthegloryoftheLordshallberevealedandallfleshshallseeittogether."?Thisisourhope,andthisisthefaiththatIgobacktotheSouthwith.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletohewoutofthemountainofdespairastoneofhope.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletotransformthejanglingdiscordsofournationintoabeautifulsymphonyofbrotherhood.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletoworktogether,topraytogether,tostruggletogether,togotojailtogether,tostandupforfreedomtogether,knowingthatwewillbefreeoneday.Andthiswillbetheday--thiswillbethedaywhenallofGod"schildrenwillbeabletosingwithnewmeaning:Mycountry"tisofthee,sweetlandofliberty,oftheeIsing.Landwheremyfathersdied,landofthePilgrim"spride,Fromeverymountainside,letfreedomring!AndifAmericaistobeagreatnation,thismustbecometrue.AndsoletfreedomringfromtheprodigioushilltopsofNewHampshire.LetfreedomringfromthemightymountainsofNewYork.LetfreedomringfromtheheighteningAllegheniesofPennsylvania.Letfreedomringfromthesnow-cappedRockiesofColorado.LetfreedomringfromthecurvaceousslopesofCalifornia.Butnotonlythat:LetfreedomringfromStoneMountainofGeorgia.LetfreedomringfromLookoutMountainofTennessee.LetfreedomringfromeveryhillandmolehillofMississippi.Fromeverymountainside,letfreedomring.Andwhenthishappens,whenweallowfreedomring,whenweletitringfromeveryvillageandeveryhamlet,fromeverystateandeverycity,wewillbeabletospeedupthatdaywhenallofGod"schildren,blackmenandwhitemen,JewsandGentiles,ProtestantsandCatholics,willbeabletojoinhandsandsinginthewordsoftheoldNegrospiritual:Freeatlast!freeatlast!ThankGodAlmighty,wearefreeatlast!
2023-07-04 10:57:081

马丁路德金的著名演讲《我有一个梦想》的英文原稿,不要只是一段,把全部的内容都给我

《I have a dream》Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God"s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro"s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor"s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
2023-07-04 10:57:221

马丁路得金的第一次演讲

编辑本段一次伟大的演讲开场  金站在那里,沉默片刻。教堂的楼厅和过道里都挤满了人,他们从窗外往里张望,在厅里的座位上往上看,当他向这一大群陌生人说话的时候,他声音低沉,节奏缓慢,无异于一般的开场白。“今天晚上,我们聚会,商讨一件严肃的事,”他说道,几字一停,先抑后顿。他说完后,人群中只有三两个人呼应“对啊”,其他的人保持沉默。他知道,这是一群会造声势的人,但他们在等待,要看看他怎么引导。“我们聚会,从一般的意义上说,是因为我们首先是美国公民,我们决心充分运用我们的公民权,”他说道。“但是,我们聚会,从特殊的意义上说,是因为蒙哥马利公车上的不平等待遇”。人群中传来一阵不清晰的赞许声。金的句子变得短促,声调渐渐提高。“这类不平等待遇,根本不是新鲜事。问题早已存在。就在前一天,准确地说,上星期四,蒙哥马利最优秀的公民之一,请注意,不仅是最优秀的黑人公民之一,而且是蒙哥马利最优秀的公民之一,被从公共汽车上带走,拘捕入狱了,因为她拒绝,把自己的座位让给白人。”    法律  在演讲每次停顿时,听众就应以“对啊”和“阿门”。他们跟上了金的节奏,但热情尚有待于金调动。金接着谈到法律,他说,即使根据种族隔离的法令,拘捕罗莎·帕克斯也未必合法,因为法令中没有具体规定公共汽车上要划分黑人区和白人区。“法律在这一点上从未澄清过,”他说,听众中有个男人大声呼应“当然没有”。“我认为,我这么说,有其法律权威性,我不是说我有法律权威,但我有法律权威的支撑:法律、法令、城市法规,从未完全澄清这一点。”这句话表明金是一个讲话很注意分寸的人,但听众不为所动。金回到罗莎·帕克斯案的特殊性质上来。他说,“既然事情发生了,我很高兴它发生在像帕克斯太太这样一个人身上,因为没有人怀疑她的品德无比高尚没有人能怀疑她人格的崇高,没有人能怀疑她对基督教信仰之深。”人群轻轻地齐声回应:说得对。金重复一句:“就因为拒绝站起来,就逮捕了她。”人群开始激动,跟上了金不紧不慢的演讲。 高潮  他停顿得略长一些。“你们知道,我的朋友们,终有一天,人们再也忍受不了压迫者铁蹄的践踏,”他喊道。霎时间,有人鼓掌,有人欢呼,“对啊”之声形成声浪,朝他扑面而来。声浪震天动地,一浪推一浪,似无停息的可能,听着刚刚要静下来,门外聚集的一大群人又喊了起来,汇成一股更高昂的声波。雷霆般的声响里伴着一种低沉的轰鸣,那就是在地板上跺脚的声音,使响声那么宏亮,仿佛已不是靠耳朵听清的,而是从肺的振荡感受到的。巨响晃动着建筑物,久久也不平息。一句话触动了大家的情绪,使黑人教堂仪式中典型的呼应,超过了政治集会的喧闹,达到金从未经历过的程度,那情形有点像小灌木丛里藏了只巨大无比的兔子。当教堂最后恢复平静的时候,金的声音又响了起来,再给听众点了一把火。“我的朋友们,终有一日,人们再也忍受不了被抛入屈辱的深渊,经受无穷无尽绝望的折磨,”他断言。“终有一日,人们再也忍受不了被赶出生活中七月灿烂的阳光,罚站在阿尔卑斯山11月刺骨的寒风中。终有……”金还要说下去,但人群发出的喊声湮没了他。谁也说不清,人们是因为他触动了那根神经而呼喊,或者是对演讲人信口说出如此雄辩的言辞感到骄傲而呼喊。“我们聚会,我们聚会,因为我们再也忍受不了,”金重复了一句。 扭转话锋  也许是对人群爆发出来的怒火有些担心,金话锋一转,讲到抵制运动要避开各种陷阱。他说,“我们大家都清楚,我们不是在宣扬暴力。”“我们已经不搞暴力了。”听众中有人喊道,“重复那句话!重复那句话!”金接着说,“我想让整个蒙哥马利,整个国家都知道,我们是基督教信徒。”他把“基督教”三个字念得很清楚。“今天晚上,我们手中的惟一武器,是抗议。”在金停顿时,人群响起了热烈的赞扬声。他和听众一起转入缓慢的诉说。“如果我们被禁锢在共产国家的铁幕后面,我们是不能这么做的。如果我们被关在专制政权的地牢里,我们是不能这么做的。但是,美国民主的伟大光辉,正体现在有权利为正确的事情发出抗议。”当赞成的喊声平息时,金提出了避免暴力的最后一条理由,那就是要使自己有别于三K党,那些白人至上主义者正横行南方,恐吓黑人。“不会有白人被从家中拖走,带到偏僻的路上去杀掉,”他说,隐约地暗示三K党的伎俩。“在我们这群人里,不会有人公然蔑视这个国家的宪法。”   金停了下来。教堂里除了嗡嗡声外,还算平静。“我的朋友们,”金慢慢说道,“我想让大家知道,我们胸怀坚定勇敢的决心,要使本城的公交车上恢复正义。我们没有错。我们要做的事没有错。”人群发出一阵被压抑的期待的喊声,因为他们意识到,金一步步接近核心话题了。“如果我们错了,这个国家的最高法院也错了,”金唱出了这句话,那音色又深沉又高昂,身体也摇摆起来。“如果我们错了,万能的上帝也错了!”他高声喊道,听众的情绪如同他说再也忍受不了时一样,又一次高涨起来,声浪一声高过一声,直冲教堂最高的屋顶。他们远不是在讨论罗莎·帕克斯案或公交车法律了。金最后那声喊叫,把渎神的言辞说到了他的信仰及听众的心所能承受的极限。声浪不断高涨,直到金的声音穿透了声浪,达到无法更响的地步。“如果我们错了,拿撒勒的耶稣就只是个乌托邦的梦游者,从来也没到地球上来过!如果我们错了,正义就只是一个谎言。”此言真是一语惊人。他不得不等待片刻,才以焕发着愤怒和狂喜的声音,说出了直冲云霄的结束语:“我们决心在蒙哥马利奋斗,直到‘公平如浪涛滚滚,公义如江河滔滔!"”听众的喊叫湮没了阿摩司书(Amos)的这两句引言。阿摩司是以色列的先知,也是卑微的牧人,他与传教的以赛亚(阿摩司的儿子),都是金喜欢引用的圣经上论正义的权威。   他克制自己的情绪,接着讲团结的必要性,抗议要保持尊严以及劳工运动的历史先例。相对而言,这个话题是世俗的话题,但听众很认真听。“今晚,我想告诉你们,我们只讲爱是不够的,”他说。“爱是基督教最高信仰之一,但还有另一面,叫做正义。正义是深思熟虑的爱。正义是克服了与爱相悖者的爱。”他说,上帝不只是博爱的上帝,“上帝还会站在国家面前说,‘不要乱动,须知我是上帝,如果不服从我,我就打断你权力的脊梁,切断你与国际和国内的一切联系。"”随着金大胆的言词如泉涌出,听众不断有节奏地喊叫和鼓掌。“与爱并排站着的,永远都是正义,”他说。“我们不仅使用说服的武器,我们还不得不使用强制的武器。”他再次呼吁团结和协作。他援引历史,招唤听众文明行事,这样,未来的圣人在回顾蒙哥马利的黑人时,才会说“他们是一群有道义勇气敢于为自己的权利而斗争的人。”他说,他们能做到这一点。“上帝赐福于我们,使我们不辱使命,不致为时太晚。”有人回应,“噢,对的。”金又说:“在我们按计划行事时,要想想这些事情。” 影响  金从讲坛上走下来时,人群震惊了,竟茫然不知所措。演讲结束得太突然,太令人泄气。按照演讲的规律,在结束时要出现第三次高潮,听众在等待他引导呢!几秒钟过去了,失望的心情被记忆和兴奋所取代。金在走出教堂的时候,鼓掌声一直跟随着他,教徒还探着身想触摸他。抵制公车的运动就这样开始了。在他的第一次政治性演讲后短短几分钟里,他心里涌出一股与陌生人交流的强烈愿望,不论这些陌生人对他如同对所有先知一样既爱又恨。这一年他只有26岁,未来的生命还不足12年又4个月。
2023-07-04 10:57:301

谁能把马丁.路德金写的《我有一个梦想》给我?

我有一个梦想作者:小马丁·路德·金今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌:我的祖国,可爱的自由之邦,我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方,这是早期移民自豪的地方,让自由之声,响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山!让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山!让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘!让自由之声响彻每一个山岗!当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”马丁-路德金的《我有一个梦想》I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies ofPennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:Free at last! free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
2023-07-04 10:57:395

马丁·路德金的著名演讲《我有一个梦想》英文原版?

I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country "tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last." 采纳哦
2023-07-04 10:57:562

马丁路德金的详细介绍~···

马丁·路德·金美国黑人运动领袖马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日),著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年至1951年期间,在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年,马丁·路德·金觐见了肯尼迪总统,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日,在林肯纪念堂前,发表了《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖的获得者。1968年4月,马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市,领导工人罢工后,被人刺杀,年仅39岁。从1986年起,美国政府将每年1月的第3个星期一,定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。前期运动激情演说1953年,马丁·路德·金和柯瑞塔·斯科特结婚。第二年,他在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会当了一名牧师。1955年,他获得了系统神学的博士学位。1955年12月5日 ,由于有一位黑人妇女不给白人让座,被判蹲监狱2年,所以民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策,在此之后,黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年,马丁·路德·金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月,美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法,蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展,马丁·路德·金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议。1959年,马丁·路德·金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底,马丁·路德·金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大,和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。1960年,黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮,这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动,并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕他,但他们不满于马丁·路德·金自上而下的领导作风,进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问,曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克向其他民权组织代表阐明,学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”中,马丁·路德·金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评,加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动中继续着。发展壮大1963 年4月12日,马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行。金博士本人当天被捕。他在狱中写作了《来自伯明翰监狱的书简》。书简中,他阐述了美国民权运动的初衷、期望和梦想,批驳了对民权运动的种种指责。1963年夏天,当沙特尔沃思牧师在白宫会见美国总统肯尼迪时,他说:“没有伯明翰,我们今天不可能坐在这里。”此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突,作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应,他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求,这促成了 1964 年民权法案的通过。稍后,在 1963年8月28日 ,群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”的运动过程中达到高潮,此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上,马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演讲。人生巅峰时代周刊1963年度风云人物:马丁·路德·金马丁·路德·金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖而持续上升。然而,除了名气和赞美,运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·艾克斯的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣,城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时,金还要面对“黑人权力”运动发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔的公开批评。2011年8日28日,马丁·路德·金的纪念雕像在华盛顿国家广场揭幕。在此前,只有华盛顿、杰弗逊、林肯和罗斯福等几位美国历史上著名的总统在这里立有纪念塑像,马丁·路德·金是第一位生前作为社会批评家的平民政治人物被在此加以纪念,也是第一位非洲裔政治领袖的纪念物,其意义非同一般。为何他能赢得和这几位著名总统并列的声望地位?正是他以和平抗争维护了《独立宣言》和《联邦宪章》自由平等民主正义的基本价值观,使他和这几位总统一样,为美国人民广泛推崇而享誉美国历史。遭遇刺杀1967年城市种族间暴力升级, 美国联邦调查局主管埃德加·胡佛则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评,使得他与林登·约翰逊政府关系紧张。1967年12月,马丁·路德·金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动,这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年,在支持孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工中,他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”。1968年4月4日晚在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀,终年39岁。更多资料点击https://baike.so.com/doc/3567599-3751809.html
2023-07-04 10:58:021

马丁路德金的梦想是什么?

马丁·路德·金的梦想的主要中心思想是关于黑人民族平等,对种族平等的思考。《我有一个梦想》原文摘要:我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的——人人生而平等。”我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。最终,成千上万的普通黑人进入了中产阶级,获得了医生、律师、银行家、经理和其他职位。据估计到2000年,每三个美国人中就有一个是非白人──这包括亚洲人、西班牙裔人和黑人──凭着毅力、教育和更大的推动,马丁·路德·金的伟大梦想或许会在下一个20年中变为现实。扩展资料:1968年4月3日,马丁·路德·金和几位南部基督教领袖联合会的领导者一起抵达田纳西州孟菲斯机场,准备于4月8日参加孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工游行;4月3日晚9点30分,马丁·路德·金在梅森教堂开始了名为“高山”的最后一次演讲;4月4日下午6点01分,马丁·路德·金在孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀,终年39岁。参考资料来源:百度百科-马丁路德金百度百科-我有一个梦想
2023-07-04 10:58:211

马丁·路德·金的伟大演讲

也许是对人群爆发出来的怒火有些担心,马丁·路德·金话锋一转,讲到抵制运动要避开各种陷阱。他说,“我们大家都清楚,我们不是在宣扬暴力。”“我们已经不搞暴力了。”听众中有人喊道,“重复那句话!重复那句话!”他接着说,“我想让整个蒙哥马利,整个国家都知道,我们是基督教信徒。”他把“基督教”三个字念得很清楚。“今天晚上,我们手中的惟一武器,是抗议。”在他停顿时,人群响起了热烈的赞扬声。他和听众一起转入缓慢的诉说。“如果我们被禁锢在共产国家的铁幕后面,我们是不能这么做的。如果我们被关在专制政权的地牢里,我们是不能这么做的。但是,美国民主的伟大光辉,正体现在有权利为正确的事情发出抗议。”当赞成的喊声平息时,马丁·路德·金提出了避免暴力的最后一条理由,那就是要使自己有别于三K党,那些白人至上主义者正横行南方,恐吓黑人。“不会有白人被从家中拖走,带到偏僻的路上去杀掉,”他说,隐约地暗示三K党的伎俩。“在我们这群人里,不会有人公然蔑视这个国家的宪法。”马丁·路德·金停了下来。教堂里除了嗡嗡声外,还算平静。“我的朋友们,”他慢慢说道,“我想让大家知道,我们胸怀坚定勇敢的决心,要使本城的公交车上恢复正义。我们没有错。我们要做的事没有错。”人群发出一阵被压抑的期待的喊声,因为他们意识到,马丁·路德·金一步步接近核心话题了。“如果我们错了,这个国家的最高法院也错了,”马丁·路德·金唱出了这句话,那音色又深沉又高昂,身体也摇摆起来。“如果我们错了,万能的上帝也错了!”他高声喊道,听众的情绪如同他说再也忍受不了时一样,又一次高涨起来,声浪一声高过一声,直冲教堂最高的屋顶。他们远不是在讨论罗莎·帕克斯案或公交车法律了。金最后那声喊叫,把渎神的言辞说到了他的信仰及听众的心所能承受的极限。声浪不断高涨,直到金的声音穿透了声浪,达到无法更响的地步。“如果我们错了,拿撒勒的耶稣就只是个乌托邦的梦游者,从来也没到地球上来过!如果我们错了,正义就只是一个谎言。”此言真是一语惊人。他不得不等待片刻,才以焕发着愤怒和狂喜的声音,说出了直冲云霄的结束语:“我们决心在蒙哥马利奋斗,直到‘公平如浪涛滚滚,公义如江河滔滔!"”听众的喊叫湮没了阿摩司书的这两句引言。阿摩司是以色列的先知,也是卑微的牧人,他与传教的以赛亚(阿摩司的儿子),都是金喜欢引用的圣经上论正义的权威。他克制自己的情绪,接着讲团结的必要性,抗议要保持尊严以及劳工运动的历史先例。相对而言,这个话题是世俗的话题,但听众很认真听。“今晚,我想告诉你们,我们只讲爱是不够的,”他说。“爱是基督教最高信仰之一,但还有另一面,叫做正义。正义是深思熟虑的爱。正义是克服了与爱相悖者的爱。”他说,上帝不只是博爱的上帝,“上帝还会站在国家面前说,‘不要乱动,须知我是上帝,如果不服从我,我就打断你权力的脊梁,切断你与国际和国内的一切联系。"”随着金大胆的言词如泉涌出,听众不断有节奏地喊叫和鼓掌。“与爱并排站着的,永远都是正义,”他说。“我们不仅使用说服的武器,我们还不得不使用强制的武器。”他再次呼吁团结和协作。他援引历史,招唤听众文明行事,这样,未来的圣人在回顾蒙哥马利的黑人时,才会说“他们是一群有道义勇气敢于为自己的权利而斗争的人。”他说,他们能做到这一点。“上帝赐福于我们,使我们不辱使命,不致为时太晚。”有人回应,“噢,对的。”马丁·路德·金又说:“在我们按计划行事时,要想想这些事情。” 马丁·路德·金在1968年4月4日傍晚,在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛兰停车场旅馆遇刺身亡。警方查出凶手的真实姓名是詹姆斯·厄尔·雷,他是个抢劫惯犯,曾被判入狱20年,1967年4月成功越狱。他于1968年4月4日早晨住进贝西太太的出租公寓,傍晚开枪把马丁·路德·金打死了。对自己的犯罪事实,厄尔·雷供认不讳,他被判入狱99年,可是他在审判后不久就反悔了,坚持说自己是冤枉的,并要求对此案进行重新审理。使人不解的是厄尔·雷在1967年的成功越狱。厄尔·雷是一个令人觉得好笑的三流窃贼,他在打劫杂货店后驾车逃跑被甩出车外,偷打字机时将存折丢下,两次越狱都没有成功。这样一个傻瓜,1967年为何能成功越狱,并一下子过上富有而体面的生活,甚至四处旅游,挥金如土?因而,人们怀疑联邦调查局参与了此案,联邦调查局早在50年代就对马丁·路德·金在的行动有所注意,1964年还制定了“消灭金小姐”计划。在记者招待会上,联邦调查局局长胡佛甚至指责马丁·路德·金是全国最大的骗子,胡佛还在马丁·路德·金荣获诺贝尔和平奖之后,派人给他送恐吓信,要他“小心谨慎以谢国人”。2001年1月,即马丁·路德·金被害35年后,一名美国佛罗里达的牧师向《纽约时报》记者透露,杀害马丁·路德·金的直接罪魁就是他的父亲。这位牧师61岁,名叫威尔逊。他对记者说:“我父亲亨利是一个三人小组的头,而1968年枪杀马丁·路德·金的正是这个小组。”威尔逊指出,虽然亨利并非种族主义者,但他觉得共产主义与马丁·路德·金有联系,因此必须杀掉马丁·路德·金。威尔逊说他父亲已经去世10多年了,但他父亲在世时曾反复强调,把马丁·路德·金杀掉是每一个热爱美国的人应该做的事,“为了整个国家的前途”,这样做完全是责任所在 。 从金博士遇刺开始就出现了各种各样关于幕后阴谋的猜测,在雷推翻其认罪供词后这类的传闻就更多了。有些人认为刺客是军方的狙击手,而雷坚持说他被中央情报局一个名叫劳尔的人陷害了,甚至有报告指出金博士的一个随从也是谋杀的帮凶。美国政府对这些猜测一概予以否认,最近的一次是在2000年,当时司法部在18个月的调查之后宣称:没有证据表明刺客是雷以外的任何人,人们不应当再质询此事。日前,关于马丁·路德·金遇刺事件以及围绕此事的种种疑窦的专题展览在田纳西州孟菲斯的国立民权博物馆(National Civil Rights Museum)开幕,再一次引起了人们对这一话题的兴趣。展览展出了200件新从警方档案中解密的证物,包括凶手使用的手枪以及从金博士身上取出来的那颗子弹。这些物品此前从未为人所知,因为此案没有公开审判。展品中还有在雷身上找到的一本假护照以及到罗得西亚(津巴布韦旧称)的指南,这些东西让人觉得蹊跷,因为一个据说是单独行动的失业的前罪犯身上似乎不应该有这类物品。在这个名为“萦绕不去的疑云”(Lingering Questions)的展览中,墙壁上用粗体字印着这样的问题:雷有同谋吗?是其他什么人干的吗?孟菲斯警方参与了这一阴谋吗?从两个扬声器中传出了科丽塔·斯科特·金(Coretta Scott King,马丁·路德·金的夫人)那令人难忘的声音:“这里有强烈的仇恨气氛。它就在空气中。你知道这一定会发生。”在金的家人看来,1998年死于肝病的雷并不是真正的凶手。金的儿子德克斯特·金在雷临终前拜访了他并对他说:是政府杀了我父亲,不是你。金的家庭并没有正式参与这一展览,不过他们的发言人对这样的“对话”表示了欢迎。而雷的家人认为,他们的亲人终将得到一个公正的裁决 。
2023-07-04 10:58:341

跪求马丁·路德·金《从这里我们往何处去》的原文的原文

马丁路德金演讲 - 我们向何处去南方基督教领袖会议亚特兰大,佐治亚1967年8月16日现在为了回答“我们向何处去”这一问题,也是我们的主题,我们必须首先明确我们的现状。当初拟定宪法时,一个不可思议的公式规定黑人在纳税和选举权方面只是一个完整人的60﹪。如今又一个匪夷所思的公式规定黑人是一个完整人的50%。对于生活中的好事,黑人大约只享有白人所享受的一半;而生活中的不愉快,黑人却要承受白人所面对的两倍。因此,所有黑人中有一半人住着低标准的住房。而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。每当我们审视生活中的负面经历时,黑人总是占着双倍的分额。黑人失业者是白人的两倍。黑人婴儿的死亡率是白人的两倍,从黑人所占的总人口比率上看,在越南死亡的黑人是白人的两倍。其他领域也有同样惊人的数字。在小学,黑人比白人落后一至三年,并且在他们种族隔离的学校,学生人均所得到的补贴比白人的学校少得多。20个上大学的学生中,只有一个是黑人。在职的黑人中,75﹪的人从事的是粗活。这就是我们的现状。我们的出路在哪里?首先,我们必须维护自己的尊严和价值。我们必须要在一个仍然压迫着我们的体制中站起来,形成牢不可破且有威严的价值感。我们再不能因为自己是黑人而感到羞耻。要在几百年来灌输黑人是卑微的、无足轻重的人民心中唤起他们做人的尊严绝非易事。黑色的描述和黑人的贡献甚至语义学似乎也合谋把黑色的说成是丑陋和卑劣的。罗杰特分类词典中与黑色相关的同义词有120个,其中至少60个微词匿影藏行,例如,肮脏、煤烟、狰狞的、魔鬼的和令人作呕的。而与白色相关的同义词约有134个,他们却毫无例外都褒奖洋溢,诸如纯洁、洁净、贞洁和纯真此类词等。白色的(善意的)谎言总比黑色的(恶意的)谎言要好。家庭中最为人所不齿的成员被称为“黑羊”(既败家子)。奥西。戴维斯曾建议或许应重造英语语言,从而教师将不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60种方式蔑视自己使他们延续不断怀有不应有的自卑感,而教白人孩子134种方式宠爱自己而使他们继续怀有一种错误的优越感。忽视黑人对美国生活的贡献从而剥夺其做人的权利的倾向,早如美国最早的史书所记,近如每日晨报所载。为了打破这种文化扼杀,黑人必须奋起申明自己高贵的人格。任何忽略这一要点为黑人争取自由的任何运动都将徒劳无功。只要心灵被奴役,肉体就永远不会得到解放。心理上的自由,即强烈的自尊感,是战胜肉体受奴役之漫漫长夜中最强有力的武器。无论是林肯的“解放宣言”还是约翰逊的“民权法案”都不能完全带来这种自由。黑人惟有发自内心并用坚定的人格的笔墨签下自己的解放宣言才会得到真正的自由。黑人必须大胆无虑地抛弃那自我否定的枷锁,竭尽全力以自尊自重的精神,对自己、对世界说:“我非等闲之辈。我是人,我是一个有尊严,有荣誉的人。我有富有而高贵的历史。那是一段多么痛苦的受剥削的历史。是的,我从祖先那里继承了我的奴隶身份,但我并不为此感到羞愧。让我羞愧的是那些充满罪恶的人迫使我成为奴隶。”是的,我们必须站起来说:“我是黑人,我是美丽的。”黑人需要这种自我肯定,而白人对黑人所犯下的罪行使得这种自我肯定显得更为必要。主要的挑战另一个主要的挑战是在经济和政治上如何增强我们的势力。无庸质疑,黑人极其需要这种合法的权力。事实上,黑人所面临的一个严峻的问题就是权力匮乏。从南方陈旧的种植园到北方较新的贫民区,黑人一直被迫过者一种无声无息且无权无势的生活。由于被剥夺了决定自己生活和命运的权力,他们只能对这个白人权力机构所做出的专断的、有时是反复无常的决策听之任之。那些种植园和贫民区是由掌权的人开辟的,既可限制那些无权的人,又可使他们的无权状况延续下去。因此,改变贫民区的问题就是权力的问题---要求改变的权力和致力于维持社会现状的权力这两种力量之间的冲突。对于权力正确的理解应该是实现目的的能力。它意指能引发社会、政治、经济变化所需的力量。沃尔特鲁瑟曾为权力下过定义。他说:“权力就是像U.A.W(汽车工人联合会)这样的工会能使像通用汽车这样世界上最强大的公司想说‘不"时说‘是"的能力。这就是权力。”我们中有许多人是传道士,而且我们所有的人都有自己的道德信念和所关心的事,也因此经常与权力有冲突。如果使用得当,权力并没有什么问题。问题是我们有些哲学家曲解了它。历史上的一大问题就是常把爱和权力的概念对立起来---把它们看作两极化的对立面---结果爱被认为须放弃权力,而权利则意味着对爱的屏弃。正是这种曲解使得研究权力意志的哲学家尼采拒绝基督教的爱的概念。也是这种曲解诱使基督教的神学家们,以基督的爱的思想的名义拒绝尼采的权力意志的哲学。现在我们必须得把这一曲解改正过来。我们需要认识到没有爱的权力是毫无节制的、易被滥用的,而没有权力的爱则是多愁善感的、苍白无力的。最理想的权力是实现公正所需的爱,最理想的公正是改正任何阻挠爱的权力。这就是我们走向未来时必须要理解的。事实表明,我们在自己的国家对此有过误解及混淆,并因此导致了美国黑人曾试图用没有爱和良知的权力实现他们的目标。这是导致一些极端分子今天倡导黑人应从白人手中谋求夺取他们曾深恶痛绝的毁灭性的、无良知的权力。正是这种邪恶的权力和没有权势的道义的冲突构成了我们时代的主要危机。制定一个计划?我们必须制定计划推动我们国家实现有保障的年收入。倘若是在本世纪初,这个提议或许会因其缺乏主动性和责任感而受到嘲笑和谴责。当时社会,经济地位被看作是衡量一个人的能力和才能的标准。并且以那时的衡量标准,财物的匮乏表明个人缺乏勤劳的习惯和道德观念。对于人类动机和我们经济体制的盲目运作的理解上,我们已取得了很大的进步。现在我们懂得,是我们混乱的经济市场操作和歧视盛行才使得人们无所事事,从而使他们违背自己的意愿长期或不断失业。今天,我希望穷人将不再像从前那样,因在我们的意识中被标榜为劣等或无能而常常被解雇。我们还必须懂得,无论经济如何快速发展都无法消除一切贫困。这一问题表明我们的工作重点必须是双重的。我们要不提供全面就业,要不就要创收。无论如何,要想尽一切办法使人们成为消费者。一旦他们处于这样的位置,我们就必须关注个人的潜力不被浪费。我们应为那些找不到传统工作的人开拓新的对社会有益的工作形式。1879年,亨利 乔治在他所著的“进步与贫穷“一书中就预见到了这样的形态:事实上,人们从事改善人类处境的工作,从事传播知识、增强实力、丰富文学财富,以及升华思想的工作并不是为了谋生。这不同于奴隶被迫做工,奴隶做工是由于任务本身或工头所迫,或就是处于动物本能。而这种新的人类的工作,它本身能为生活带来保障,并创造一种消除了匮乏的社会形态。倘使能大规模地增加这种工作,我们可能会发现,如果把住房和教育问题放在消除贫困之后,那么随着贫穷的消除,它们也会有所改善。被改造成购买者的穷人会依靠自己的力量大举改善其恶劣的住房状况。当有了额外的金钱这一武器,承受双重痛苦的黑人在他们反歧视的斗争中将会有更大的收效。此外,广泛的经济保障必然会带来许多积极的心理上的改变。当命运掌握在自己手中,并有渠道寻求自我提高时,人的尊严就会达到颠峰。当不再用金钱的天平不公正地衡量一个人的价值时,夫妻子女间的冲突就会减少。我们的国家有能力做到这些。约翰u30fb肯尼斯u30fb加尔布莱斯说每年大约200亿美元就可以实现有保障的年收入。今天我想对你们说,如果我们国家一年能花350亿美元在越南发动一场不公正的邪恶的战争,花200亿美元把人送上月球,那么她就能花费几十亿美元帮助上帝的孩子自立于这个世界。致力于非暴力现在,让我简单地说,我们必须重申对非暴力的承诺。我想强调这一点。近期所有的黑人骚乱都可悲地表明,暴力在争取种族平等的斗争中是徒劳无益的。昨天我试图分析这些骚乱及其缘由。今天我想揭示其另一面。诚然,骚乱总是令人悲伤痛苦。人们可以看到尖叫的年轻人和愤怒的成年人绝望而盲目地与不可能战胜的困难作战。然而,在他们内心深处,可以看见自我毁灭的欲望,一种自绝于世的渴望。时有黑人争辩说,1965年的瓦特骚乱和其他城市的骚乱代表着有效的人权行动。但当问到这些骚乱最终取得了什么具体的收益时,那些持此观点者则支支吾吾、无以应答。那些骚乱顶多从被吓坏了的政府官员那里得到少量额外的扶贫金,和几处给贫民区的孩子们降温的喷水设施。这就好像给仍关在铁窗后的人改善监狱的伙食一样。没有任何骚乱能像有组织的抗议示威那样赢得实实在在的改进。而当试图请提倡暴力者说明,什么样的做法是最行之有效的时候,回答总是明显地不合逻辑。有时他们谈论颠覆种族歧视的政府和地方政府,又谈论游击战争。他们不懂得,除非政府已失去武装部队的支持和对其有效的控制,没有任何内部革命能够通过暴力成功地推翻政府。任何有理性的人都明白这在美国是绝不会发生的。当面临种族暴力的局势时,权利机构可以支配地方警察,州警察,国民警卫队,直至军队---所有这些武装大部分是由白人组成的。此外,除非那些主张暴力的少数人得到大多数不抵抗主义者的同情与支持,否则暴力革命很少或者说几乎没有成功的。尽管卡斯特罗可能有为数不多的古巴人在山上与他并肩作战,但是倘若他没有得到绝大多数的古巴人民的同情,他就绝不可能成功地推翻巴蒂斯塔政权。显而易见,美国黑人的暴力革命不会得到白人甚至大多数黑人的同情和支持。现在不是进行浪漫的幻想,和对自由进行空洞的哲学论辩的时候。现在是行动的时候。我们需要的是寻求改变的策略,一个能使黑人尽快地融入到美国主流生活的高明方案。迄今为止,只有非暴力运动为此提供了可能。如果不能领悟到这一点,我们所有的只是不能解决、回答、解释问题的方案、答案和解释。因此,今天我想告诉你们,我仍坚持非暴力这一原则。而且我仍然坚信,它是黑人在这个国家争取公正的斗争的最有效的武器。另外,我企盼一个更美好的世界。我企盼公正。我企盼兄弟情谊。我企盼真理。当一个人有此企盼时,他绝不会倡导暴力。因为暴力可能除掉一个凶手,但却不能消除谋杀。暴力可能除掉一个骗子,但却不能缔造真理。暴力可能除掉一个仇人,但却不能消除仇恨。黑暗不能驱除黑暗,只有光明才驱除黑暗。我还想告诉你们,我已决意继续以爱为本。因为我知道爱是最终解决人类问题的唯一答案。因此,无论走到哪里我都会谈及此话题。我知道今天在某些圈子里这是一个不受欢迎的话题。我所谈及的爱不是情感纠葛。我所谈及的爱是一种强烈的、高要求的爱。因为我看到了太多的仇恨。在南部县治安官的脸上看到了太多的恨。在太多的三k党成员和南方白人公民议员的脸上看到仇恨,以至于我开始厌恶自己。因为每次我看到它,我知道这对他们的脸和他们的人格都有影响,我会对自己说,仇恨是一个令人难以承受的负担。因此我已决定以爱为本。倘若你在寻求最高层次的德行,我想你可以在爱中找到。美妙的是,当我们这样做的时候,我们在远离邪恶,因为约翰是正确的,神就是爱。心存怨恨的人不认识神,倒是心中有爱的人掌握了能够开启通向现实大门的钥匙。在我结束这篇讲话前,我想告诉你们,当我们谈论“我们向何处去”时,我们应当真诚地面对这一事实:这一运动必须解决重建整个美国社会的问题。我们现有4000万穷人。总有一天我们必须提出这一问题:“美国为什么会有4000万穷人?”当你开始问这个问题时,你在质疑经济体制和更大范围的财富分配。当你问及这一问题时,你开始质疑资本主义经济。我的意思是,越问越会问及整个社会。我们有责任帮助那些在人生市场上沦为乞丐的失意的人。但我们终将会意识到一个制造乞丐的社会需要重建。这意味着必须质疑。我的朋友们,当你这样做时,你开始质疑“谁拥有石油?”你开始质疑“谁拥有铁矿?”你开始质疑“为什么在一个2/3被水覆盖的世界上人们还得交付水费?”这些就是必须要质疑的问题。关于共产主义不要以为今天你们抓住了我的把柄。我不是在谈论共产主义。今天早上我要对你们说的是,共产主义忘记了生活是个人的。资本主义忘记了生活是社群的,而兄弟的王国既不是建立在共产主义的论点上,也不会建立在资本主义的对立面上,而是建立在一种更高的合成体上。它是建立在一种更高的两者真理结合的合成体上。当我说要质疑整个社会时,我指的是最终能懂得种族歧视、经济剥削和战争这些问题是密不可分的。它们是相互关联的三重罪恶。请允许我在这里做一回传道人 --- 一天晚上,一个陪审员来见耶稣,他想知道他该做什么才能得救。耶稣没有以孤立的方式建议他不要做什么事。耶稣没有说,“尼哥底母,你必须停止撒谎。”他没有说,“尼哥底母,如果你在偷窃,你必须马上改正。” 他没有说,“尼哥底母,你不能犯奸淫的罪。” 他没有说,“尼哥底母,如果你酗酒,你必须马上停止。”他的回答迥然不同,因为耶稣知道事情的本质 --- 如果一个人撒谎,他就会偷窃。如果他偷窃,他就会杀人。因此,耶稣没有局限在一件事上,而是看着他说,“尼哥底母,你必须重生。”换言之,他说,“你们对整个构架必须彻底改变。”一个奴役国民达244年之久的国家会把人“物化” --- 把他们当成东西看待。因此,他们以及所有的穷人会在经济上受到剥削。一个在经济上进行剥削的国家不得不向外国投资,并干一些别的什么巧取躲豪的勾当,因此需要军事力量来保护其利益。所有这些问题都是密不可分的。我今天要说的是当我们离开这个集会时,我们必须说,“美国,你必须重生!”结尾因此,我今天最后重申我们的任务,让我们带着“神圣的期待”开始抗争。让我们期待着美国不再患有信念上的高血压和行动上的贫血症。让我们期待着把城外富裕舒适的人与城内贫困绝望的人分隔开来的悲剧的墙被正义的攻城槌的力量摧毁。让我们期待着那些住在希望的郊野的人被带回到每日有保障的大都市中来。让我们期待着贫民窟都被丢进历史的垃圾堆,而每个家庭都能拥有体面的有卫生设施的家。让我们期待着遭受种族隔离的学校的黑暗的昨天会被取消种族隔离的素质教育的光明的明天所取代。让我们期待着种族融合将不再被看作是问题,而是参与创造多样化生活的魅力的机会。让我们期待着衡量黑人男女的尺度是他们的人格才识,而不是他们的肤色。让我们期待着。让我们期待着每一个州府都有一个行公义,好怜悯,存谦卑的心,与神同行的州长。让我们期待着在所有的市府里看到公平如大水滚滚,公义如江河滔滔。让我们期待着有一天狮子与羊羔同卧一处,所有的人都坐在自家的葡萄树和无花果树下,不再恐惧。让我们期待着。人类会明白上帝用同一个血脉创造了所有人,使之生活在地球表面上。让我们期待着,有一天不再有人叫嚣“黑人权力!” --- 而所有的人都会谈论上帝的权柄和人类的权力。我必须承认,我的朋友们,前面的路不会总是平坦的。岩石遍布之处会带来挫败,蜿蜒曲折之处会令人迷惘。到处都会有不可避免的障碍。有时我们会从希望之巅跌入绝望之谷。我们的梦想有时会被打破;渺茫的希望有时会破灭。我们可能会泪眼模糊地再一次站在某位勇敢的人权志士的灵柩前,悲悼嗜血成性的暴民凶残地夺去他的生命。无论多么艰难,无论多么痛苦,我们必须以毫无畏惧的信念在未来的日子里勇往直前。当我们继续我们既定的征途时,我们能从昔日伟大的自由战士,黑人诗人詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊的诗中得到慰籍:踏过布满荆棘的道路忍受过棍棒的鞭笞之苦在孕育的希望破灭之时依旧前进、摸索。伴着坚定的步伐即使双脚疲惫也依旧来到了我们祖先为之叹息的地方?我们一路走过浸满泪水的道路。我们已艰难踏上流淌着烈士鲜血的小径。走出阴暗的过去,迄今我们终于站在自我们明亮的星辰洒下的光明的维曦中。让这一信念成为我们的战斗口号。它将给我们勇气以面对无法预见的未来。它将给我们疲惫的双脚以新的力量,向着自由之城大踏步继续我们的征程。当绝望的阴云密布,我们的日子变得阴郁无望时,当我们的夜晚变得比1000个深夜还黑暗时,让我们记住宇宙间有一种创造力,能把巨大的邪恶的山脉折断,一种力量能在绝境之处开辟新径,把黑暗的昨天变成光辉灿烂的明天。让我们铭记道德的苍穹长又长,但它终将落向正义。让我们铭记威廉·卡伦·布莱恩特的至理名言:“被压倒的真理,终必站起来。” 让我们记得《圣经》里的真理,“不要自欺,神是轻慢不得的;人种的是什么,收的也是什么。” 这就是我们对未来的希望,带着这个信念,我们就会在不远的明天用宇宙的过去时来歌唱 “我们已经胜利,我们已经胜利。在我心灵的深处,我曾坚信我们会胜利。”
2023-07-04 10:58:572

高呼人权的马丁路德金,因为什么被杀?

1968年4月4日,马丁·路德·金在孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀,终年39岁。马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr,1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日),非裔美国人,出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大,美国牧师、社会活动家、黑人民权运动领袖。1960年1月,马丁·路德·金辞去了蒙哥马利市德克斯特大街浸信会教堂的职务,返回亚特兰大成为埃比尼泽浸信会牧师,并全力领导南方基督教领袖会。1960年,黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮,这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动,并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。1963年8月28日 ,马丁·路德·金组织了争取黑人工作机会和自由权的“华盛顿工作与自由游行”,此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上,马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的演讲。同年,马丁·路德·金成为《时代周刊》的年度人物。扩展资料:马丁·路德·金被誉为百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一,出众的演讲才华使他具有非凡的个人魅力和组织动员社会资源的能力,他不仅能鼓舞黑人民众进行斗争,而且还能争取白人民众的支持。综观他的各种演讲,可以发现其实每一次都是对各种语言修辞能力的综合运用。每一篇讲稿都可谓经过细密的设计:从生活中的现实体验切入,适时地运用历史和《圣经》典故,用排比勾勒出未来社会的美好面貌,辅以一系列蓬勃激烈的辞藻将演讲情感推至高潮,于热烈之中谢幕。参考资料来源:百度百科-马丁路德金
2023-07-04 10:59:058

马丁路德金的我有一个梦想,在演讲技术方面有什么高明之处,

马丁路德金的演讲非常具有煽动性,因为他触及了美国黑人内心最柔软的部分,所以使得很多美国人都感同身受,这也使得美国黑人产生了强烈的反抗情绪。因为美国黑人长期受到美国白人的压迫,这使得美国黑人的利益根本得不到一个有力的保障,因为他们的生命安全以及财产安全经常受到很严重的威胁,在当时经常出现美国白人枪杀美国黑人的事件。所以马丁路德金通过自己的演讲使得美国黑人产生了反抗情绪,并且积极地维护着自己的权力,使得当时美国的民权运动轰轰烈烈地进行着,这也给白人造成了非常大的震撼以及冲击。使得他们明白不能在歧视美国黑人,因为他们是和自己一样平等的美国公民,因为他们也一样做出了非常大的贡献,所以我们不应该继续歧视他们。所以马丁路德金的演讲是非常高明的,并且在演讲技术上他也非常的有煽动性,积极地讲述一些真实的案例以及事情,因为这样可以使得美国人都感同身受,再包括其他各色人种,一起都积极的反抗白人,所以使得当时白人受到了非常大的冲击和震撼。所以当时的民权运动,非常的轰动,并且在全世界也造成了很大的影响。然而最后取得的结果却并不尽如人意,因为现在美国依然存在着非常严重的种族歧视问题,所以还需要更多的像马丁路德金这样优秀的领袖来带领美国黑人取得他们平等的地位。一旦不选择反抗的话,就会被人所迫害。
2023-07-04 10:59:4410

马丁路德金有什么事迹?

 马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日—1968年4月4日),著名的美国民权运动领袖,诞生于美国东南部的佐治亚州的亚特兰大市。1948年他大学毕业,担任教会的牧师。1948年到1951年间,马丁·路德·金在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年,马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统,要求通过新的民权法,给黑人以平等的权利。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖获得者,有金牧师之称。1968年4月,马丁路德金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工,下榻洛林汽车旅馆。4日晚饭前,他立在二楼三百号房间的阳台上,与人谈话。这时在街对面的一幢公寓里,一个狙击手端着一架带有观测镜的汽步枪,向他射去。子弹从前面穿过他的脖子,他随即倒地不起。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。  马丁 61 路德 61 金,将“非暴力”( nonviolence )和“直接行动”( direct action )作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。 1929 年 1 月 15 日,金在亚特兰大( Atlanta )出生。他是牧师亚当 61 丹尼尔 61 威廉姆斯( Rev. A.D. Williams )的外孙,威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会( Ebenezer Baptist Church )的牧师和全国有色人种协进会( NAACP )亚特兰大分会的发起人;他是老马丁 61 路德 61 金( Martin Luther King, Sr. )的儿子,老马丁 61 路德 61 金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师。 金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院( Morehouse College )的学业后,金又在宾夕法尼亚州 ( Pennsylvania )的克劳泽神学院( Crozer Theological Seminary )和波士顿( Boston University )大学就读,在学习中,他加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地( Mahatma Gandhi )在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。   1953 年,金和柯瑞塔 61 斯科特( Coretta Scott )结婚。第二年,他在阿拉巴马州( Alabama )蒙哥马利( Montgomery )的德克斯特大街浸信会( Dexter Avenue Baptist Church )当了一名牧师。 1955 年,金获得了系统神学的博士学位。   1955 年 12 月 5 日 ,民权积极分子罗莎 61 帕克斯( Rosa Parks )拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策,在此之后,黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动( bus boycott )并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会( Montgomery Improvement Association )的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年,金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月,美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法,蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。   为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展,金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议( Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SCLC )。 1959 年,金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底,金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大,和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。   
2023-07-04 11:00:432

马丁路德金演讲《我有一个梦想》的原因是什么,那黑人妇女让座位的具体情况是什么?

关于黑人妇女让座:1955年12月1日,一位名叫做罗沙·帕克斯的黑人妇女在公共汽车上拒绝给白人让座位,因而被蒙哥马利节警察当局的当地警员以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由逮捕了她。马丁·路德·金立即组织了蒙哥马利罢车运动(蒙哥马利市政改进协会),号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法进行长达1年的抵制,迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。关于演讲:马丁·路德·金为黑人谋求平等,发动了美国的民权运动,功绩卓著,闻名于世。金在成为民权运动积极分子之前,是黑人社区必有的浸礼会的牧师。民权运动是美国黑人教会的产物,《我有一个梦想》记叙金的第一次民权演说,揭示了民权运动与黑人教会的关系。开场 金站在那里,沉默片刻。教堂的楼厅和过道里都挤满了人,他们从窗外往里张望,在厅里的座位上往上看,当他向这一大群陌生人说话的时候,他声音低沉,节奏缓慢,无异于一般的开场白。“今天晚上,我们聚会,商讨一件严肃的事,”他说道,几字一停,先抑后顿。他说完后,人群中只有三两个人呼应“对啊”,其他的人保持沉默。他知道,这是一群会造声势的人,但他们在等待,要看看他怎么引导。“我们聚会,从一般的意义上说,是因为我们首先是美国公民,我们决心充分运用我们的公民权,”他说道。“但是,我们聚会,从特殊的意义上说,是因为蒙哥马利公车上的不平等待遇”。人群中传来一阵不清晰的赞许声。金的句子变得短促,声调渐渐提高。“这类不平等待遇,根本不是新鲜事。问题早已存在。就在前一天,准确地说,上星期四,蒙哥马利最优秀的公民之一,请注意,不仅是最优秀的黑人公民之一,而且是蒙哥马利最优秀的公民之一,被从公共汽车上带走,拘捕入狱了,因为她拒绝,把自己的座位让给白人。” 法律 在演讲每次停顿时,听众就应以“对啊”和“阿门”。他们跟上了金的节奏,但热情尚有待于金调动。金接着谈到法律,他说,即使根据种族隔离的法令,拘捕罗莎·帕克斯也未必合法,因为法令中没有具体规定公共汽车上要划分黑人区和白人区。“法律在这一点上从未澄清过,”他说,听众中有个男人大声呼应“当然没有”。“我认为,我这么说,有其法律权威性,我不是说我有法律权威,但我有法律权威的支撑:法律、法令、城市法规,从未完全澄清这一点。”这句话表明金是一个讲话很注意分寸的人,但听众不为所动。金回到罗莎·帕克斯案的特殊性质上来。他说,“既然事情发生了,我很高兴它发生在像帕克斯太太这样一个人身上,因为没有人怀疑她的品德无比高尚没有人能怀疑她人格的崇高,没有人能怀疑她对基督教信仰之深。”人群轻轻地齐声回应:说得对。金重复一句:“就因为拒绝站起来,就逮捕了她。”人群开始激动,跟上了金不紧不慢的演讲。高潮 他停顿得略长一些。“你们知道,我的朋友们,终有一天,人们再也忍受不了压迫者铁蹄的践踏,”他喊道。霎时间,有人鼓掌,有人欢呼,“对啊”之声形成声浪,朝他扑面而来。声浪震天动地,一浪推一浪,似无停息的可能,听着刚刚要静下来,门外聚集的一大群人又喊了起来,汇成一股更高昂的声波。雷霆般的声响里伴着一种低沉的轰鸣,那就是在地板上跺脚的声音,使响声那么宏亮,仿佛已不是靠耳朵听清的,而是从肺的振荡感受到的。巨响晃动着建筑物,久久也不平息。一句话触动了大家的情绪,使黑人教堂仪式中典型的呼应,超过了政治集会的喧闹,达到金从未经历过的程度,那情形有点像小灌木丛里藏了只巨大无比的兔子。当教堂最后恢复平静的时候,金的声音又响了起来,再给听众点了一把火。“我的朋友们,终有一日,人们再也忍受不了被抛入屈辱的深渊,经受无穷无尽绝望的折磨,”他断言。“终有一日,人们再也忍受不了被赶出生活中七月灿烂的阳光,罚站在阿尔卑斯山11月刺骨的寒风中。终有……”金还要说下去,但人群发出的喊声湮没了他。谁也说不清,人们是因为他触动了那根神经而呼喊,或者是对演讲人信口说出如此雄辩的言辞感到骄傲而呼喊。“我们聚会,我们聚会,因为我们再也忍受不了,”金重复了一句。扭转话锋 也许是对人群爆发出来的怒火有些担心,金话锋一转,讲到抵制运动要避开各种陷阱。他说,“我们大家都清楚,我们不是在宣扬暴力。”“我们已经不搞暴力了。”听众中有人喊道,“重复那句话!重复那句话!”金接着说,“我想让整个蒙哥马利,整个国家都知道,我们是基督教信徒。”他把“基督教”三个字念得很清楚。“今天晚上,我们手中的惟一武器,是抗议。”在金停顿时,人群响起了热烈的赞扬声。他和听众一起转入缓慢的诉说。“如果我们被禁锢在共产国家的铁幕后面,我们是不能这么做的。如果我们被关在专制政权的地牢里,我们是不能这么做的。但是,美国民主的伟大光辉,正体现在有权利为正确的事情发出抗议。”当赞成的喊声平息时,金提出了避免暴力的最后一条理由,那就是要使自己有别于三K党,那些白人至上主义者正横行南方,恐吓黑人。“不会有白人被从家中拖走,带到偏僻的路上去杀掉,”他说,隐约地暗示三K党的伎俩。“在我们这群人里,不会有人公然蔑视这个国家的宪法。” 金停了下来。教堂里除了嗡嗡声外,还算平静。“我的朋友们,”金慢慢说道,“我想让大家知道,我们胸怀坚定勇敢的决心,要使本城的公交车上恢复正义。我们没有错。我们要做的事没有错。”人群发出一阵被压抑的期待的喊声,因为他们意识到,金一步步接近核心话题了。“如果我们错了,这个国家的最高法院也错了,”金唱出了这句话,那音色又深沉又高昂,身体也摇摆起来。“如果我们错了,万能的上帝也错了!”他高声喊道,听众的情绪如同他说再也忍受不了时一样,又一次高涨起来,声浪一声高过一声,直冲教堂最高的屋顶。他们远不是在讨论罗莎·帕克斯案或公交车法律了。金最后那声喊叫,把渎神的言辞说到了他的信仰及听众的心所能承受的极限。声浪不断高涨,直到金的声音穿透了声浪,达到无法更响的地步。“如果我们错了,拿撒勒的耶稣就只是个乌托邦的梦游者,从来也没到地球上来过!如果我们错了,正义就只是一个谎言。”此言真是一语惊人。他不得不等待片刻,才以焕发着愤怒和狂喜的声音,说出了直冲云霄的结束语:“我们决心在蒙哥马利奋斗,直到‘公平如浪涛滚滚,公义如江河滔滔!"”听众的喊叫湮没了阿摩司书(Amos)的这两句引言。阿摩司是以色列的先知,也是卑微的牧人,他与传教的以赛亚(阿摩司的儿子),都是金喜欢引用的圣经上论正义的权威。 他克制自己的情绪,接着讲团结的必要性,抗议要保持尊严以及劳工运动的历史先例。相对而言,这个话题是世俗的话题,但听众很认真听。“今晚,我想告诉你们,我们只讲爱是不够的,”他说。“爱是基督教最高信仰之一,但还有另一面,叫做正义。正义是深思熟虑的爱。正义是克服了与爱相悖者的爱。”他说,上帝不只是博爱的上帝,“上帝还会站在国家面前说,‘不要乱动,须知我是上帝,如果不服从我,我就打断你权力的脊梁,切断你与国际和国内的一切联系。"”随着金大胆的言词如泉涌出,听众不断有节奏地喊叫和鼓掌。“与爱并排站着的,永远都是正义,”他说。“我们不仅使用说服的武器,我们还不得不使用强制的武器。”他再次呼吁团结和协作。他援引历史,招唤听众文明行事,这样,未来的圣人在回顾蒙哥马利的黑人时,才会说“他们是一群有道义勇气敢于为自己的权利而斗争的人。”他说,他们能做到这一点。“上帝赐福于我们,使我们不辱使命,不致为时太晚。”有人回应,“噢,对的。”金又说:“在我们按计划行事时,要想想这些事情。”影响 金从讲坛上走下来时,人群震惊了,竟茫然不知所措。演讲结束得太突然,太令人泄气。按照演讲的规律,在结束时要出现第三次高潮,听众在等待他引导呢!几秒钟过去了,失望的心情被记忆和兴奋所取代。金在走出教堂的时候,鼓掌声一直跟随着他,教徒还探着身想触摸他。抵制公车的运动就这样开始了。在他的第一次政治性演讲后短短几分钟里,他心里涌出一股与陌生人交流的强烈愿望,不论这些陌生人对他如同对所有先知一样既爱又恨。这一年他只有26岁,未来的生命还不足12年又4个月。附:我有一个梦想(译文) 马丁·路德·金 今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前,一位伟大的美国人—签署了《解放宣言》,今天我们就站在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫长黑夜。 然而100年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到的自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天,我的四个儿女将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌: 我的祖国,可爱的自由之邦,我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方,这是早期移民自豪的地方,让自由之声,响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰! 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭! 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰! 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山! 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰! 不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山! 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山! 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘! 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗! 当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
2023-07-04 11:00:593

求黑人 马丁·路德·金 的经典讲演词

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
2023-07-04 11:01:088

马丁路德金的演讲中哪3句话是最著名的

马丁路德的演讲有很多,精彩的句子也有很多,不能说那几句是最著名的,只能给个参考我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不证自明:人人生而平等。” I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以肤色的深浅,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character 你要服务民众,不一定非得有个大学文凭:You don"t have to have a college degree to serve
2023-07-04 11:01:381

跪求马丁路德金的演讲 I have a dream

"I Have A Dream" by Martin Luther King, Jr,--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God"s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro"s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor"s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
2023-07-04 11:01:453

“从绝望之山上砍下一块希望的石头”这句话是马丁·路德·金说的。请问他的原意和引申义是什么

马丁路德金在《I have a dream》的演讲词中有这样一句话,“We will hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope(我们从绝望的大山中砍下一块希望的石头)”。绝望是大山,希望是石头,但是只要你能砍下一块希望的石头,你就有了希望。 在马丁u2022路德u2022金的时代,直到他被暗杀为止,黑人在美国没有任何社会地位可言,不能与白人同乘一辆车,同在一家餐馆吃饭,同在一家电影院看电影。直到有了诸如马丁u2022路德u2022金等革命者的努力和牺牲才逐步改变。马丁u2022路德u2022金用他的鲜血召唤更多的人起来抗争,经过无数次流血、呐喊,美国黑人在美国社会中终于获得了今天的平等地位。所以,一切的希望刚开始都是从绝望中诞生,并经过努力后最终战胜绝望的。 哪怕是最没有希望的事情,只要有一个勇敢者坚持去做,到最后就会成为希望。
2023-07-04 11:01:541

I have a dream的英语演讲稿 马丁 路德金

我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不证自明:人人生而平等。” I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以肤色的深浅,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. 演讲下载 【我有一个梦想(I Have a Dream)MP3下载链接】演讲全文:I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
2023-07-04 11:02:053

i have a dream 马丁路德金演讲辞的目的是什么,所用的技能是什么,里面知名的句子是什么,还有AIDA是哪里

目的是,反对美国部分人对黑人的歧视、威胁等,要求种族平等;写作技巧,多出用排比句,使之气势恢宏,抒情句子的使用,唤起人们的情感;知名句子,I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. 等等。AIDA: AIDA模式   主要意思是说明广告的作用。A为Attention,即引起注意;I为Interest,即诱发兴趣;D为Desire,即刺激欲望;最后一个字母A为Action,即促成购买。
2023-07-04 11:02:152

求马丁路德金《我有一个梦想》演讲中最经典的一段,要英文原文的!

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat www.guangyuangs.com of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
2023-07-04 11:02:221

求一篇关于介绍马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》的英语演讲稿,200字左右

下面写的大概在350字左右,供你删改吧~~~(地道的美式哦~~~)Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech on August 28, 1963, at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Many regard it as the greatest speech of the twentieth century and, more than that, one of the greatest speeches in history. Though King was one of several featured speakers that day, "I Have a Dream" became synonymous with the aims of the march and the entire civil rights movement. His dream represented the dream of millions of Americans demanding a free, equal, and just nation.A scholar and a pastor, King was able to combine academic, political, and biblical elements in his "I Have a Dream" speech. He referenced the Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the Bible. When delivering his address, he spoke with accessible language and used repetition to drive home important points; the phrase "I have a dream" is repeated nine times in the speech. Though King had a script in front of him, as the speech progressed and the crowd responded, he began to improvise his message. The "I have a dream" section of the speech is the most well-known portion of the address, and it was entirely extemporaneous. The power of this section is a testament to King"s oratory skills and the conviction with which he spoke. Just as his namesake Martin Luther sparked the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, King and his "I Have a Dream" speech emboldened his followers and changed history.In the speech, King demands the same justice and equality for black Americans that is promised to all citizens in the Declaration of Independence. While he calls on fellow civil rights activists to persevere in the face of brutality, violence, and oppression, he also cautions against the use of violence. King believed in what Henry David Thoreau termed "civil disobedience," in which individuals use nonviolent means to achieve social change, and studied Mahatma Gandhi"s peaceful protests for Indian independence in the 1930s and 1940s. "Again and again," he counsels the crowd, "we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force."
2023-07-04 11:02:303

马丁路德的演讲的策略有哪些技巧

你说的,可能是马丁路德金,此人是个民主战士,非常擅长演讲。他通过演讲,把无数的人团结起来,共同为民主而战。至于马丁路德,那是另外一个人,他不是马丁路德金。此二人都是历史著名人物。马丁路德在公元1517年10月31日,发布了95信纲,向天主教提出挑战,创立了基督教。马丁路德并不擅长于演讲,当天主教会提出,进行公开辩论的时候,马丁路德不敢应战。他后来被天主教会开除教籍。马丁路德是个很有争议的宗教人物,在基督教看来,他是反对天主教流弊的著名大牧。在天主教看来,他是反对耶稣教会的魔鬼帮凶。在一天早晨,马丁路德突然遭遇雷劈,这件事对他的心理影响很大。因为在宗教领域,特别忌讳雷劈,那是上天的震怒。晚年的时候,他后悔不已。
2023-07-04 11:02:401

马丁·路德·金的精神哲学?

马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.),美国著名的黑人民权领袖。1929年1月29日出生于美国乔治亚州的亚特兰大,他的父亲是一个教会牧师。1948年他获得莫尔豪斯大学学士学位,1951年又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位,1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。1954年成为阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会教堂(Dexter Avenue Baptist Church)牧师。1955年12月1日,一位名叫做罗沙·帕克斯的黑人妇女在公共汽车上拒绝给白人让座位,因而被当地警察逮捕。马丁·路德·金立即组织了一场罢车运动(即蒙哥马利罢车运动),从此他成为民权运动的领袖人物。1964年马丁·路德·金被授予诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月4日,他在田纳西州孟菲斯市演讲时被一名刺客开枪打死。1986年1月,里根总统签署法令,规定每年二月份的第三个星期一为美国的马丁·路德·金纪念日。马丁·路德·金于1963年8月23日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲《我有一个梦想》坐落在美国亚特兰大市的马丁·路德·金的铜像100年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。然而100年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言,他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候,现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候,现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来,置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要撒撒气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静,正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,“你们什么时候才能满足?”只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨,有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房,有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。让我们回到密西西比去,回到亚拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到佐治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想,这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等。”我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。我梦想有一天、我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。1964年1月,约翰逊总统在白宫办公室会见美国“民权运动”领袖马丁·路德·金(左一)、惠特尼·杨(右二)及詹姆士·法默(右一)我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:“我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山岗。”如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!”让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来!让自白之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此,还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。当我们让自由之声响起来,让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由啦!”望采纳!
2023-07-04 11:02:487

别忘了,是林肯总统宣布黑人有自由而且和白人一样拥有平等的地位,所以在此地发表演说也是告诉人们我们的权利早就被认可并且让人记住这段历史,是因为黑人得到解放美国才会摆脱奴隶制束缚发展成为世界最强大的国家,同样,如果黑人不能被公平对待,美国不会更加强大。
2023-07-04 11:03:033

马丁路德金《我有一个梦想》的写作背景

《我有一个梦想》(I have a dream)是马丁·路德·金于1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲,内容主要关于黑人种族平等。对美国甚至世界影响很大。1774年,美国的建国者们把奴隶纳入不予进口的商品之列,并直到1783年才废除了奴隶贸易。除两个州外奴隶制未被完全废除──南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州──他们因惧怕经济受损而坚决反对。所有北方各州都已早早地废除了奴隶制──最晚一个是1804年的新泽西州。然而南方坚持1845年后加入联盟的新州可以保持奴隶制。从1830年后,在北方就有一个坚定,但却不那么有效的声音在要求全面废除奴隶制。随后,1861年,11个南方州成立南部邦联,脱离主张废奴的美利坚合众国。南方和北方间的南北战争随之爆发。经过四年的斗争和超过50万人的死亡后,北方获得胜利。《解放宣言》通过了,奴隶终于获得了自由。最终,成千上万的普通黑人进入了中产阶级,获得了医生、律师、银行家、经理和其他职位。据估计到2000年,每三个美国人中就有一个是非白人──这包括亚洲人、西班牙裔人和黑人──凭着毅力、教育和更大的推动,马丁·路德·金的伟大梦想或许会在下一个20年中变为现实。扩展资料马丁·路德·金,乃是著名的美国黑人民权运动领袖。不少人居然把这位诺贝尔和平奖得主,同四百多年前德国宗教改革领袖马丁·路德相混淆,而对他的主要主张是“非暴力抵抗”,1956年,在26岁的马丁·路德·金第一次领导黑人市民,抵制蒙哥马利市公共汽车公司的种族隔离制度时,他就举起了“非暴力抵抗”的旗帜。他号召久被歧视的黑人群众说:“我们要抵抗,因为自由从来不靠恩赐获得。有权有势的欺压者从不会自动把自由奉献给受压者。权利和机会,必须通过一些人的牺牲和受难才能得到。”但是,“仇恨产生仇恨,暴力产生暴力我们要用爱的力量,去对付恨的势力。我们的目标,绝不是击败或羞辱白人,正相反,我们要赢得他们的友谊和理解。”在1968年4月4日,金被詹姆斯﹒厄尔﹒雷用一架自动步枪击杀。虽然那一年他倒下了,但是I HAVE A DREAM—— “我有一个梦想”的这句话却真正站了起来,不仅是在美国人民心中站了起来,更是在全世界人民心中站了起来。在他做最后一次演讲时,他已经预感到了自己的命运,因为在他来孟菲斯之前已经收到了各种各样的死亡恐吓。但是他用行动作出了回答。他说,“不要问我帮了别人自己会有什么后果,而要问‘如果我不帮助别人,别人会有什么后果"”。
2023-07-04 11:03:384

马丁路德金演讲中文内容

我有一个梦想一百年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。然而一百年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。一百年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言。他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着「资金不足」的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产。我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现--这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言的时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候。现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候。现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来,置于兄弟情谊的盘石上的时候。如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。一九六三年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要消消气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静。正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须求远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是我们却不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,「你们什么时候才能满足?」只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨;有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房;有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。让我们回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到乔治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:「我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等。」我梦想有一天,在乔治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之嶙劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳争吵的声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:「我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山岗。」如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来?让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来!让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的洛基山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来?不仅如此,还要让自由之声从乔治亚州的石嶙响起来?让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来?让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。当我们让自由之声响起来,让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌:「终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由啦!」
2023-07-04 11:04:146

美国历史上著名的演讲《我有一个梦想》的演讲者是谁?

马丁路德金
2023-07-04 11:04:342

马丁路德金的《我有一个梦想》,英文版

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! http://www.americanrhetoric.com/top100speechesall.html(美国历史上著名的100个演讲MP3及原文) 在这里,你不仅能够看到原文,还可以亲耳听听马丁路德金的I have a dream的演讲,那可是真是震撼人心!
2023-07-04 11:04:431

马丁.路德.金的演讲

http://www.putclub.com/article.php?articleid=79有文本音频视频,不过是黑白的
2023-07-04 11:05:072

急求马丁路德金那个我有一个梦想的英文演讲稿最好的一部分,带中文翻译.演讲时长在一分钟左右

每一段都很好,你自己取舍吧: 。。。。。。 I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.   ……今天,我对你们说,我的朋友们,尽管此时困难与挫折重重,我们仍然有个梦,这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。   I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.   我有一个梦:有一天,这个国家将站起来,并实现它的信条的真正含义:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的,即所有的人都生来平等。”   I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.   我有一个梦:有一天,在乔治亚州的红色山丘上,从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。   I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.   我有一个梦:有一天,甚至密西西比州,一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州,将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。   I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.   我有一个梦:我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里,在那里,人们不是从他们的肤色,而是从他们的品格来评价他们。   I have a dream today!   今天我有一个梦想!   I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.   我有一个梦:有一天,阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方,那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩,像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。 I have a dream today.   今天我有一个梦想。   I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.   我有一个梦:有一天,每一个峡谷将升高,每一座山丘和高峰被削低,崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原,弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直,上帝的荣耀得以展露,全人类都将举目共睹。   This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.   这是我们的希望,这是信念,带着这个信念我回到南方。   With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.   怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。   With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.   怀着这个信念,我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音,转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。 回复2楼2005-11-07 18:57举报 |sophylee  With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.   怀着这个信念,我们将能工作在一起,祈祷在一起,奋斗在一起,一起赴监狱,一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道,有一天我们将获自由。   This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country "tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.   将会有一天,那时,所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱:我的祖国,你是自由的乐土。我为你歌唱:  我的先辈的安葬之地,朝圣者心中的圣地,让自由的声音,响彻每一道山岗。如果说美国是一个伟大的国家,这必须要成真。   So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.   因此,让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧,让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧!   Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.   让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧!   Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.   让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧!   But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.   但不仅如此,还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧!   Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.   让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧!   Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.   让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧!在每一道山坡上,让自由之声响起吧!   When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."   当我们让自由之声响彻之时,当我们让它从每一座村庄,从每一个州和每一座城市响起时,我们将能加速这一天的到来,那时,所有上帝的孩子们,黑人和白人,犹太人和异教徒们,基督徒和天主教徒们,将能手挽手,以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
2023-07-04 11:05:141

谁知道马丁路德金演讲提到的free at last这首灵歌

FREE AT LAST 黑人灵魂音乐.--from " American Negro Songs " by J. W. Work Free at last, free at lastI thank God I"m free at lastFree at last, free at lastI thank God I"m free at lastWay down yonder in the graveyard walkI thank God I"m free at lastMe and my Jesus going to meet and talkI thank God I"m free at lastOn my knees when the light pass"d byI thank God I"m free at lastTho"t my soul would rise and flyI thank God I"m free at lastSome of these mornings, bright and fairI thank God I"m free at lastGoin" meet King Jesus in the airI thank God I"m free at las
2023-07-04 11:05:232

马丁路德金《我有一个梦想》的经典部分

朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。  我梦想有一天,这个国家将会站立起来,实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”  我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,共叙手足情谊。  我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹、压迫成风的沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。  我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。  我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。  我今天有一个梦想  我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,普照人间。  这是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们就能绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。  从到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌:  我的祖国,  可爱的自由之邦,  我为您歌唱。  这是我祖先终老的地方,  这是早期移民自豪的地方,  让自由之声,  响彻每一座山岗。  如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!  让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!  让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!  让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山!  让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!  不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山!  让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!  让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘!  让自由之声响彻每一个山岗!  当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
2023-07-04 11:05:323

谁知道马丁路德金的英文原稿?

Martin Luther King I HAVE A DREAM 马丁.路德.金恩 我有一个梦想 在二十世纪六十年代,美国人逐渐认识到,南北战争所致力解放黑奴运动,并没有产生使美国黑人成为完全平等公民的预效果。十九世纪后期,美国黑人的公民权利受到州和地方歧视黑人的法规和惯例层层约束和限制。在日常生活中,美国黑人常常被隔离开来,不能与白人同在一个学校上学,乘坐同一公共交通工具,同在一个地方居住。黑人不能充分参与美国社会生活,甚至在一百年后仍然和奴隶一样被剥夺各种权利,他们生活水准的提高与国家的发展并非完全相称。因此美国黑人的平等问题成为一个严重的社会问题。 黑人志愿团体和教会以及其它各阶层关心此事的美国人团体,同心合力掀起了一场争取民权的运动。他们敦促国会通过强有力的法律,清除美国社会种族隔离和种族歧视的最后残余。 一九六三年八月二十八日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂举行的「为工作的自由进军」是民权运动的重要里程碑。那天最激励人心的,是马丁.路德.金恩牧师代表南方基督教领导会议所作的讲演。 一位新闻记者指出,金氏的演讲「充满林肯和甘地精神的象征和圣经的韵律」。他既义正严辞又有节制;公开宣扬-这是其基本哲学的一部分--非暴力的改革途径;并且侃侃陈词,雄辩有力。在六十年代和七十年代,美国国会、总统和法院将金氏在讲演中提到的各种法律障碍解除了。 一百年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。 然而一百年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。一百年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言。他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。 就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着「资金不足」的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产。我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现--这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言的时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候。现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候。现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来,置于兄弟情谊的盘石上的时候。 如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。一九六三年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要消消气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静。正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。 但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须求远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。 现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是我们却不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。 当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,「你们什么时候才能满足?」 只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。 只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。 只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。 只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。 不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。 我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨;有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房;有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。 让我们回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到乔治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。 朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。 我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:「我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等。」 我梦想有一天,在乔治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。 我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。 这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之嶙劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳争吵的声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。 有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。 在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:「我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山岗。」 如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来?让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来! 让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的洛基山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来?不仅如此,还要让自由之声从乔治亚州的石嶙响起来?让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来! 让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来?让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。 当我们让自由之声响起来,让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌:「终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由啦!」 1963年8月23日,马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军,为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》,为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。马丁·路德·金1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月4日他在田纳西州被暗杀。 在演说中,他说出了著名的平等口号: 我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不证自明:人人生而平等。” I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我梦想有一天,我的四个孩子将生活在一个不是以肤色的深浅,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. 演讲下载 【我有一个梦想(I Have a Dream)MP3下载链接】 演讲全文:I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
2023-07-04 11:05:426

马丁路德金的故事

  人物故事  (1)早年求学  马丁·路德·金,将“非暴力”和“直接行动”作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1929年1月15日,马丁·路德·金出生在佐治亚州的亚特兰大市奥本街501号,一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。马丁·路德·金是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯的外孙,威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会的牧师和全国有色人种协进会亚特兰大分会的发起人;马丁·路德·金是老马丁·路德·金的儿子,老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师,母亲是教师。马丁·路德·金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。15岁时聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学,在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院的学业后,获得文学学士学位。马丁·路德·金又在宾夕法尼亚州的克劳泽神学院和波士顿大学就读,1951年他又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位,1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。在学习中,马丁·路德·金加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。  (2)前期运动  1953年,马丁·路德·金和柯瑞塔·斯科特结婚。第二年,他在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会当了一名牧师。1955年,他获得了系统神学的博士学位。  1955年12月5日 ,由于有一位黑人妇女不给白人让座,被判蹲监狱2年,所以民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策,在此之后,黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年,马丁·路德·金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月,美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法,蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。  为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展,马丁·路德·金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议。1959年,马丁·路德·金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底,马丁·路德·金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大,和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。  1960年,黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮,这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动,并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕他,但他们不满于马丁·路德·金自上而下的领导作风,进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问,曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克向其他民权组织代表阐明,学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”中,马丁·路德·金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评,加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动中继续着。  (3)发展壮大  1963 年4月12日,马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行。金博士本人当天被捕。他在狱中写作了《来自伯明翰监狱的书简》。书简中,他阐述了美国民权运动的初衷、期望和梦想,批驳了对民权运动的种种指责。1963年夏天,当沙特尔沃思牧师在白宫会见美国总统肯尼迪时,他说:“没有伯明翰,我们今天不可能坐在这里。”此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突,作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应,他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求,这促成了 1964 年民权法案的通过。稍后,在 1963年8月28日 ,群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”的运动过程中达到高潮,此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上,马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演讲。  (4)人生高潮  马丁·路德·金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖而持续上升。然而,除了名气和赞美,运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·爱克斯的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣,城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时,金还要面对“黑人权力”运动发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔的公开批评。  2011年8日28日,马丁·路德·金的纪念雕像在华盛顿国家广场揭幕。在此前,只有华盛顿、杰弗逊、林肯和罗斯福等几位美国历史上著名的总统在这里立有纪念塑像,马丁·路德·金是第一位生前作为社会批评家的平民政治人物被在此加以纪念,也是第一位非洲裔政治领袖的纪念物,其意义非同一般。为何他能赢得和这几位著名总统并列的声望地位?正是他以和平抗争维护了《独立宣言》和《联邦宪章》自由平等民主正义的基本价值观,使他和这几位总统一样,为美国人民广泛推崇而享誉美国历史。  (5)遭遇刺杀  1967年城市种族间暴力升级, 美国联邦调查局主管埃德加·胡佛则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评,使得他与林登·约翰逊政府关系紧张。  1967年12月,马丁·路德·金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动,这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年,在支持孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工中,他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”。1968年4月4日晚在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀,终年39岁。
2023-07-04 11:06:115

马丁路德金演讲英文

Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It"s always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I"m delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God"s children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn"t stop there.I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn"t stop there.I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn"t stop there.I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn"t stop there.I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn"t stop there.I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn"t stop there.I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn"t stop there.Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
2023-07-04 11:06:281

寻马丁。路德金的资料

  马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.),美国著名的黑人民权领袖。1929年1月29日出生于美国乔治亚州的亚特兰大,他的父亲是一个教会牧师。1948年他获得莫尔豪斯大学学士学位,1951年又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位,1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。  1954年成为阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会教堂(Dexter Avenue Baptist Church)牧师。1955年12月1日,一位名叫做罗沙·帕克斯的黑人妇女在公共汽车上拒绝给白人让座位,因而被当地警察逮捕。马丁·路德·金立即组织了一场罢车运动(即蒙哥马利罢车运动),从此他成为民权运动的领袖人物。1964年马丁·路德·金被授予诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月4日,他在田纳西州孟菲斯市演讲时被一名刺客开枪打死。  1986年1月,里根总统签署法令,规定每年二月份的第三个星期一为美国的马丁·路德·金纪念日。  马丁·路德·金于1963年8月23日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲《我有一个梦想》  坐落在美国亚特兰大市的  马丁·路德·金的铜像  100年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。  然而100年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。  就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言,他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。  就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相信,在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。  我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国,现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候,现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候,现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来,置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。  如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心,那么,这对美国来说,将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来,黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束,而是开始。有人希望,黑人只要撒撒气就会满足;如果国家安之若素,毫无反应,这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利,美国就不可能有安宁或平静,正义的光明的一天不到来,叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。  但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们,有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中,我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体,纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。  现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神,但是能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到,他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的,他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。  当我们行动时,我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人,“你们什么时候才能满足?”  只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害,我们就绝不会满足。  只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所,我们就绝不会满足。  只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区,我们就绝不会满足。  只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举,只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事,我们就绝不会满足。  不!我们现在并不满足,我们将来也不满足,除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛,汹涌澎湃,滚滚而来。  我并非没有注意到,参加今天集会的人中,有些受尽苦难和折磨,有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房,有些由于寻求自由,曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击,并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧,要坚决相信,忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。  让我们回到密西西比去,回到亚拉巴马去,回到南卡罗来纳去,回到佐治亚去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去,要心中有数,这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。  朋友们,今天我对你们说,在此时此刻,我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折,我仍然有一个梦想,这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。  我梦想有一天,这个国家会站立起来,真正实现其信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等。”  我梦想有一天,在佐治亚的红山上,昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起,共叙兄弟情谊。  我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹,压迫成风,如同沙漠般的地方,也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。  我梦想有一天、我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色,而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。  我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州能够有所转变,尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议,反对联邦法令,但有朝一日,那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,携手并进。  1964年1月,约翰逊总统在白宫办公室会见美国“民权运动”领袖马丁·路德·金(左一)、惠特尼·杨(右二)及詹姆士·法默(右一)  我今天有一个梦想。  我梦想有一天,幽谷上升,高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途,圣光披露,满照人间。  这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念,我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念,我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声,改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。  有了这个信念,我们将能一起工作,一起祈祷,一起斗争,一起坐牢,一起维护自由;因为我们知道,终有一天,我们是会自由的。  在自由到来的那一天,上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌:“我的祖国,美丽的自由之乡,我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方,您是最初移民的骄傲,让自由之声响彻每个山岗。”  如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家,这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!”  让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来!让自白之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此,还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!  让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。  当我们让自由之声响起来,让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时,我们将能够加速这一天的到来,那时,上帝的所有儿女,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,都将手携手,合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由啦!”  (1963年8月23日)
2023-07-04 11:06:566

求《我有一个梦想》马丁路德金的完整的原声演讲

我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣 翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸 于众。 从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退 回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现 在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所 有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境 界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我 们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不 堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本 活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只 要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们 与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的 地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道, 这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途,曲径成通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变 为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌: 我的祖国,可爱的自由之邦,我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方,这是早期移民自豪的地方,让自由之声,响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰! 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭! 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰! 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山! 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰! 不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山! 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山! 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘! 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗! 当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹 太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”
2023-07-04 11:07:124