陶小凡 -
英文原文：
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.
It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.
In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.
I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.
I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.
What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.
There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.
We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one"s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.
拓展：
丘吉尔铁幕演说的影响
当时美苏两国是世界上最强大的两个国家，俗话说“一山不容二虎”，随着战争的结束，共同敌人的消失，美苏之间的利益摩擦也就日趋剧烈，不只是单独的美苏之间的利益争夺，也是资本主义和共产主义两种截然不用的意识形态之间的斗争，可以说在当时双方之间已经有了很多的摩擦，只是还碍于各种各样的原因没有摆到明面上来，而丘吉尔的这一场铁幕演说就是直接的撕开了双方的遮羞布，将整件事情挑明了。因此丘吉尔的铁幕演说都被认为是之后美苏之间长达四十多年的冷战的开端，标志着东西方两大阵营的正式对立。
丘吉尔的"铁幕演说是历史上有名的演说，在这场演说中，丘吉尔看着欧洲各国逐渐成为社会主义国家，察觉到整个欧洲呈现出对于英国不利的局面，于是坚定的寻求美国的支持，发表了这场演说。在铁幕演说之后，整个世界形势也随之发生了改变，长达四十多年的冷战正式拉开了序幕。
丘吉尔铁幕演说简介
这件事情要从当时的背景说起，二战结束之后，美国和苏联的实力大增，成为来世界上最强大的两个国家，苏联实力的增长使得很多的东欧国家走上了社会主义的道路。而丘吉尔本人，除了二战时期，他一生对于共产党的态度都是非常差的，而且英国作为一个典型的资本主义的国家，随着共产主义阵营的崛起自然是感受到了危机，曾经一起反对法西斯的战友因为利益上的冲突就这样站在了对立面上。
丘吉尔在演说中认为现在苏联的扩张已经严重影响到了国际形势的安定，因为共产主义的极速扩张，东欧的很多古老国家都处于被苏联掌控的环境中，根本没有自主的权利，所以美国作为世界上最强大的国家应该联合英国一起反对以苏联为首的共产主义国家。
铁幕演说标志着冷战的开始
1946年3月5日，英国首相丘吉尔在美国富尔顿发表著名的“铁幕演说”。
1946年3月，英国前首相温斯顿·丘吉尔在美国富尔顿发表的反苏演说。又称铁幕演说。1946年1月，丘吉尔应邀访美。3月5日，他在美国总统杜鲁门陪同下抵达密苏里州富尔顿，在杜鲁门的母校威斯敏斯特学院发表了题为“和平砥柱”的演说。丘吉尔在演说中公开攻击苏联“扩张”，宣称“从波罗的海的什切青到亚得里亚海边的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来”，苏联对“铁幕”以东的中欧、东欧国家进行日益增强的高压控制。1947年3月12日美国总统杜鲁门提出的国情咨文的有关内容，标志着美国等西方国家对苏联等社会主义国家正式推行“冷战”政策。
1991年，苏联、“华约”解体，美、苏两大集团长达 40年的“冷战”结束。